Nevertheless' comprises essays on Machiavelli and on Pascal. The ambivalent connection between the two parts is embodied by the comma (,) in the subtitle: Machiavelli, Pascal. Is this comma a conjunction or a disjunction? In fact, both. Ginzburg approaches Machiavelli's work from the perspective of casuistry, or case-based ethical reasoning. For as Machiavelli indicated through his repeated use of the adverb nondimanco ("nevertheless"), there is an exception to every rule. Such a perspective may seem to echo the traditional image (...) of Machiavelli as a cynical, "machiavellian" thinker. But a close analysis of Machiavelli the reader, as well as of the ways in which some of Machiavelli's most perceptive readers read his work, throws a different light on Machiavelli the writer. The same hermeneutic strategy inspires the essays on the Provinciales, Pascal's ferocious attack against Jesuitical casuistry. Casuistry vs anti-casuistry; Machiavelli's secular attitude towards religion vs Pascal's deep religiosity. We are confronted, apparently, with two completely different worlds. But Pascal read Machiavelli, and reflected deeply upon his work. A belated, contemporary echo of this reading can unveil the complex relationship between Machiavelli and Pascal - their divergences as well as their unexpected convergences. (shrink)

This article concerns a silver beaker (now at the Residenzmuseum, Munich) decorated with scenes which seem to be related to the Spanish conquest of Mexico. On the basis of stylistic, iconographic and archival evidence the silversmith is here tentatively identified with an Italian-born artist, Stefano Capello, who is thought to have added a decoration to a pre-existing beaker on the eve of the treaty of Cambrai (3 August 1529). Margaret of Austria, aunt of the emperor Charles V, might have given (...) the beaker as a gift to Louise of Savoy, mother of Francis I, king of France. The article argues, relying upon Warburg’s notion of Pathosformeln (formulas of emotion), that in the early 16th century the New World was perceived and made familiar through an Old World idiom, based on visual formulas taken from classical antiquity and mediated by the Italian Renaissance. (shrink)

In the last 2500 years, since the beginnings in ancient Greece of the literary genre we call “history,” the relationship between history and law has been very close. True, the Greek word historia is derived from medical language, but the argumentative ability it implied was related to the judicial sphere. History, as Arnaldo Momigliano emphasized some years ago, emerged as an independent intellectual activity at the intersection of medicine and rhetoric. Following the example of the former, the historian analyzed specific (...) cases and situations looking for their natural causes; following the prescriptions of the latter—a technique, or an art, born in tribunals—he communicated the results of his inquiry.2Within the classical tradition, historical writing had to display a feature the Greeks called enargeia, and the Romans, evidential in narrtatione: the ability to convey a vivid representation of characters and situations. The historian, like the lawyer, was expected to make a convincing argument by communicating the illusion of reality, not by exhibiting proofs collected either by himself or by others.3 Collecting proofs was, until the mid-eighteenth century, an activity practiced by antiquarians and erudite, not by historians.4 When, in his Traité des differentes sortes de preuves qui servent à établir la vérité he l’histoire , the erudite Jesuit Henri Griffet compared the historian to a judge who carefully evaluates proofs and witnesses, he was expressing a still-unaddressed intellectual need. Only a few years later Edward Gibbon published his Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, the first work that effectively combined historical narrative with an antiquarian approach.5 2. See Arnaldo Momigliano, ”History between Medicine and Rhetoric,” Ottavo contributo alla storia degli studi classici e del mondo antico, trans. Riccardo Di Donato , pp. 14-25.3. See Ginzburg, “Montrer et citer.”4. See Momigliano, “Ancient History and the Antiquarian,” Contributo alla storia degli studi classici , pp. 67-106.5. See Henri Griffet, Traité des differentes sortes de preuves qui servent à établir la vérité de l’histoire, 2d ed. . Allen Johnson, in his Historian and Historical Evidence , speaks of the Traité as “the most significant book on method after Mabillon’s De re diplomatic” . See also Momigliano, “Ancient History and the Antiquarian,” p. 81, and Ginzburg, “Just One Witness.” On Gibbon, see Momilgiano, Sesto contributo alla storia degli studi classici e del mondo antico , pp. 231-84. Carlo Ginzburg is Franklin D. Murphy Professor of Italian Renaissance Studies at the University of California, Los Angeles. His two most recent books are Ecstasies: Deciphering the Witches’ Sabbath and Il giudice e lo storico. (shrink)

This is the story of the clattering of elevated subways and the cacophony of crowded neighborhoods, the heady optimism of industrial progress and the despair of economic recession, and the vibrancy of ethnic cultures and the resilience of ...

Dans un procès qui eut lieu à la fin du XVIIe siècle en Livonie (aujourd’hui Latvia) un homme surnommé « le vieux Thiess » avoua être un loup garou. Les anomalies qui marquent ses aveux ont été l’objet d’interprétations différentes, qui soulèvent le problème des ambitions, et des limites, de la comparaison. L’essai explore, à travers le cas du « vieux Thiess », la possibilité d’utiliser a) la notion d’anomalies conjonctives, inspirée par la critique textuelle, b) la notion de « (...) ressemblances de famille » proposée par Francis Galton, en tant qu’instruments de comparaison dans le domaine de l’histoire des religions. (shrink)

De Martino offered Momigliano an opportunity to reflect on his own analogous yet different experience. The connection between the study of prehistory and the threat of the end of the world, and more generally, the idea that we need to respond to today's crisis by enlarging historical research to unknown and unpredictable phenomena might lead us to conclude that, at least momentarily, Momigliano's and De Martino's paths had touched. In reality, however, as Momigliano lucidly saw, theirs were parallel paths that (...) could never meet. Studies that culminated in Il Mondo Magico had carried De Martino, albeit temporarily, outside Croceanism, and toward a more radical historicism immune from ethnocentric limitations, in particular with regard to Cassirer's works. Momigliano's detachment from Croceanism can be located between two divergent statements: that the sun had set on the idea of antiquitates, while also looking forward to the affirmation of a new antiquarianism under the guise of sociology or anthropology. It became increasingly clear as the years passed that for Momigliano all forms of historicism were unacceptable because they were threatened by relativism. (shrink)

The author describes his research experience in the 1960s, as an apprentice historian, in the Warburg Library. His work on witchcraft trials in early modern Italy, he argues, was deeply affected by the Library's unique character. Aby Warburg's law of the “good neighbour” (the book we need is placed next to the one we are looking for) is illustrated through a specific example: the encounter with a forgotten tract dealing with some anomalous Bavarian witchcraft trials — a book that would (...) have been very difficult (if not impossible) to come across anywhere but Warburg's Library. (shrink)

The author describes his research experience in the 1960s as an apprentice historian in the Warburg Library. His work on witchcraft trials in early modern Italy, he argues, was deeply affected by the library’s unique character. Aby Warburg’s law of the “good neighbor” is illustrated through a specific example: the encounter with a forgotten tract dealing with some anomalous Bavarian witchcraft trials — a book that would have been very difficult to come across anywhere but Warburg’s Library.

The author describes his research experience in the 1960s, as an apprentice historian, in the Warburg Library. His work on witchcraft trials in early modern Italy, he argues, was deeply affected by the Library's unique character. Aby Warburg's law of the “good neighbour” is illustrated through a specific example: the encounter with a forgotten tract dealing with some anomalous Bavarian witchcraft trials — a book that would have been very difficult to come across anywhere but Warburg's Library.

My topic is authenticity in or perhaps as painting, not the authenticity of paintings; I know next to nothing about the problem of verifying claims of authorship. I am interested in another kind of genuineness and fraudulence, the kind at issue when we say of a person that he or she is false, not genuine, inauthentic, lacks integrity, and, especially when we say he or she is playing to the crowd, playing for effect, or is a poseur. These are not (...) quite moral distinctions (no one has a duty to be authentic), but they are robustly normative appraisals, applicable even when such falseness is not a case of straight hypocrisy but of lack of self-knowledge or of self-deceit. (A person can be quite sincere and not realize the extent of her submission to the other’s expectations and demands.) This sort of appraisal also has a long history in post-Rousseauist reflections on the dangers of uniquely modern forms of social dependence, and they are prominent worries in the modern novel. (shrink)

Against the backdrop of Walter Benjamin's famous essay, “Unpacking My Library”, this article, by the Librarian of the Warburg Institute, tells the story of the many times that the Warburg Library has been packed and unpacked. First it was the private collection of Aby Warburg, later a public institution, originally in Hamburg and then in London from 1933 to the present. This essay also explores the various ways in which books have been — and continue to be — acquired by (...) the Warburg Library, including publication, donation, recommendation, and purchase. Each of these methods is not only discussed but also examined in light of Benjamin's account of the acquisition of his own library. Moreover, Benjamin's view that collections lose their meaning when they cease to be personal is challenged by the example of the Warburg Library, which has been transformed from a private collection containing around 15,000 books in 1911 to a public institution today housing over 350,000 volumes, while still maintaining its unique character. (shrink)

Ricordo di Carlo Ascheri, di F. Cerutti.--Note sulla vita di Giovanni Francesco Sannazari della Ripa (1480c.-1535) fino al lettorato avignonese, di M. Ascheri.--Noterelle machiavelliane, di N. Badaloni.--Un argumento consolatorio dell'Assioco nella tradizione platonica, di A. Cardini.--Zeller i Feuerbach, di C. Cesa.-- Ludwig Feuerbach in den Buberschen Sicht, di I. Dubský.--Lo Short tract on first principles di Hobbes e la metafisica della luce di Roberto Grossatesta, di A.G. Gargani.--Un letterato e una strega al principio dell'500: Panfilo Sasso e Anastasia la (...) Fraappona, di C. Ginzburg. (shrink)

"A partir de un análisis preciso, la idea de una religión "popular", ahistórica e inmóvil, se revela como insostenible. En su lugar hay que plantear la idea compleja de una lucha entre religión de las clases hegemónicas y religión de las clases subalternas, conformada como toda lucha, por confrontaciones abiertas, por compromisos, por situaciones de una paz forzada, por guerrillas".CARLO GINZBURG, "Premessa Giustificativa" en Quaderni Storici, num. 41, 1979.

Carlos Marx y el aporte todavía vigente del marxismo para las ciencias sociales del siglo XXI -- Walter Benjamin y las lecciones de una historia vista a "contrapelo" -- Norbert Elias : historiador y crítico de la modernidad -- El itenerario intelectual de Marc Bloch y el compromiso del intelectual con su propio presente -- (Re) construyendo la biografía intelectual de Fernand Braudel -- Michel Foucault en el espejo de Clío -- Carlo Ginzburg y el modelo de una (...) historia crítica para el análisis de las culturas subalternas -- Immanuel Wallerstein y la perspectiva crítica del "análisis de los sitemas-mundo" -- Edward Palmer Thompson y la "economía moral de la multitud" en el mundo del siglo XXI. (shrink)

Carlo Ginzburg is best known as the author of a popular and widely commented work of microstoria Il formaggio e i vermi, published in 1976. Rather than focusing on Ginzburg's contributions to the genre of microstoria, or on the development of his long and very productive scholarly career, my aim in this article is to reflect on a set of themes that recur, with impressive persistence, in his work, from his earliest publications in the mid-1960s, to his (...) most recent works. Above all, I suggest that two elements recur in his work, and that these, jointly, impart upon it its defining character. They are the concern with epistemological issues of knowing, and the ethical conception of the historian's work, which Ginzburg expressess and defends with urelenting rigour. (shrink)

Le 15 septembre 2016, Carlo Ginzburg était invité par le Groupe Genevois de Philosophie à tenir une conférence dans le cadre d’un colloque consacré à « La philosophie et son histoire : un débat actuel ». En étudiant les deux cas de Garcilaso de la Vega et de John David Rhys, Ginzburg apportait une contribution de poids à l’ethnophilologie – si la philologie est la discipline académique qui permet d’établir la lettre des textes, l’ethnophilologie devient sous sa (...) plume l’entreprise qui invite à employer la rigueur des méthodes philologiques pour faire entendre la vérité des voix soumises. La leçon pour la traductologie contemporaine est importante – la traduction n’est pas une simple opération pacifique. Elle implique des relations de force. (shrink)

Le dossier de textes que l’on présente ici offre une structure assez inhabituelle. Deux textes de Carlo Ginzburg fournissent la matière première de ce dossier, mais seul l’un de ces deux textes, « Anomalies conjonctives. Une réflexion sur les loups garous », est ici donné (il est pour la première fois traduit en français, traduction due à Martin Rueff). Le second texte, issu d’une conférence donnée à Genève en 2016, a en effet déjà été publié en français, dans (...) une version librement accessible... (shrink)

Le 15 septembre 2016, Carlo Ginzburg était invité par le Groupe Genevois de Philosophie à tenir une conférence dans le cadre d’un colloque consacré à « La philosophie et son histoire : un débat actuel ». En étudiant les deux cas de Garcilaso de la Vega et de John David Rhys, Ginzburg apportait une contribution de poids à l’ethnophilologie – si la philologie est la discipline académique qui permet d’établir la lettre des textes, l’ethnophilologie devient sous sa (...) plume l’entreprise qui invite à employer la rigueur des méthodes philologiques pour faire entendre la vérité des voix soumises. La leçon pour la traductologie contemporaine est importante – la traduction n’est pas une simple opération pacifique. Elle implique des relations de force. (shrink)

Dans Le sabbat des sorcières Ginzburg, s’efforçant d’expliciter la « méthode morphologique » à l’œuvre dans cet ouvrage, affirme reprendre à son compte certaines « questions » formulées par Frazer dans Le Rameau d’or – soit un comparatisme élargi –, sans en « accepter les réponses ». « Mon Frazer a lu Wittgenstein » ajoute-t-il dans une boutade. Dans cet article, on se demandera en quel sens la morphologie de Ginzburg diffère d’une approche « transculturelle » et on (...) analysera comment cette démarche morphologique se fraie une voie dans un dialogue entre histoire et anthropologie. (shrink)

In 1637 a Frenchman named Noël Duret published a book in Paris that referred to the heliocentric Copernican system. In 1660 an Ottoman scholar named Ibrahim Efendi al-Zigetvari Tezkireci translated the book into Arabic. For more than three centuries this manuscript was buried in an Ottoman archive in Istanbul until it resurfaced at the beginning of the 1990s. The discovery of the Arabic text has necessitated a re-evaluation of the history of early modern Arabic natural philosophy, one that takes into (...) account the intellectual context of Ibrahim Efendi and the overarching trends in the world of Sufi mysticism. These trends were reflected in art, literature, philosophy and natural philosophy. Using philological and cultural clues, as well as Ibrahim Efendi's own words, we can attempt deductions about why, how and for what purposes Ibrahim Efendi chose Duret's book for his project. (shrink)

Em busca da relação profícua entre Psicanálise e História, procura-se, neste artigo avaliar como Carlo Ginzburg, em sua trajetória intelectual e acadêmica, discutiu Freud e a Psicanálise à luz da Micro-História. Para tanto, a obra de Ginzburg Mitos, emblemas, sinais: morfologia e história tornou-se um manancial para esta busca. Nos capítulos Sinais: raízes de um paradigma indiciário e, principalmente, Freud, o homem dos lobos e os lobisomens, Ginzburg discute criticamente as interpretações de Freud sobre o seu (...) caso clínico mais importante, um paciente russo de nome Serguei Constantinovitch Pankejeff, conhecido como O Homem dos Lobos. Ginzburg não deixa de reconhecer a magnitude da obra de Freud, mas aponta suas limitações como não considerar suficientemente a formação cultural de seu paciente e dar um enfoque maior a individuação. Ginzburg permitiu, ainda, demonstrar em sua obra a importância da Psicanálise na elaboração do conceito fundamental à MicroHistória, o paradigma indiciário. (shrink)

To this day, the Italian Jewish literary postwar canon is undisputedly ruled by Primo Levi, Giorgio Bassani and Carlo Levi. This study of three major Italian Jewish women writers – Natalia Ginzburg, Clara Sereni and Lia Levi – highlights the presence in Italian literature of a subversive Jewish écriture feminine. These writers’ formal independence and subversive redeployment of narrative and thematic strategies not only consolidated a strong female voice in Italian literature but also produced a specific Italian brand (...) of Jewish literature. The following analysis shows how, through their literary ‘life miniatures’, Ginzburg, Sereni and Levi recentre the domestic everydayness of woman’s personal and historical experience, while, simultaneously, challenging the traditional representations of women’s positions within family and within the public space, as well as interrogating their Jewish identity vis-a-vis their country’s Fascist past. In particular, this article focuses on the way in which all three authors portray themselves as women trying to strike a balance between their Jewish identity and history alive only in the domestic space of their family lives, and their gender identity which is repressed by the patriarchal system both in the house and in the public arena. These women respond by moving ‘out’ of their homes, by exploring the city space – thus turning the ‘urban monster’ into a positive locus for women’s self-determination and political action – and by bonding with other women. Through a demasculinization of the city space, these memoirs re-elaborated notions of family, Judaism, private and historical memory, and they reinvented a poetics for the ‘small virtues’ of woman’s everyday existence while also pioneering a new space in literature that radically changed the direction of patriarchal Italian culture in the second half of the twentieth century. (shrink)