In this paper we focus on how automated vehicles can reduce the number of deaths and injuries in accident situations in order to protect public health. This is actually a problem not only of public health and ethics, but also of big data—not only in terms of all the different data that could be used to inform such decisions, but also in the sense of deciding how wide the scope of data should be. We identify three key different types of (...) data, including basic data, advanced data and preference data, provide an ethical analysis of the use of these different types of data and of different ways of prioritizing between pedestrians and passengers, and propose four rules that can help set ethical priorities for ethical data use and decision making by automated vehicles. (shrink)

In Beyond Physicalism, an interdisciplinary group of physical scientists, behavioral and social scientists, and humanists from the Esalen Institute’s Center for Theory and Research argue that physicalism must be replaced by an expanded scientific naturalism that accommodates something spiritual at the heart of nature.

Some years before the Scriblerians brought a comic realism to bear on the themes of prophecy and apocalypse, Mandeville gave millenarians a taste of their own medicine by showing – in the conclusion to The Grumbling Hive – that a land free of the offences decried by the pious would indeed prove to be ruinous. In so doing he inaugurated a tradition of secularised apocalypse that finds one of its most famous expressions in the Dunciad. Both Pope and Mandeville make (...) use of the millenarian motifs of Elkanah Settle’s pageants for Lord Mayor’s day, and though the Williamite politics of The Fable of the Bees was deeply inimical to the Tory wits (as appears in the satires of the Scriblerians), time has exposed a paradoxical congruence between Pope and Mandeville that underlies their official enmity. (shrink)

George Bernard Shaw did various things to make his essays readable, such as using short sections. In this paper, I raise the worry that they are at risk of being replaced by vocabulary and sayings from folk culture.

It was difficult to avoid the amiability of [Shaw's] impersonal embrace. Everything he seemed to say was what it was—and another thing. Women were the same as men: but different. But of the two, he calculated, women were fractionally less idiotic than men. "The only decent government is government by a body of men and women," he said in 1906; "but if only one sex must govern, then I should say, let it be women—put the men out! Such an (...) enormous amount of work is done of the nature of national housekeeping, that obviously women should have a hand in it." Shaw favored women over men in much of the same spirit as he advertised Roman Catholics being a trifle superior to Protestants. Both preferences were the product of a Protestant gentleman who delighted in perverse exhibitions of fairness. Certain consequences followed from the fact that only women became pregnant. Had Shaw had the making of the world in the first place, and not merely the remaking of it, things might have been ordered more sensibly. However, the rules had been laid down and the worst thing you could do was to complain of them. Every grievance was an asset in the womb of time. The advantage to women came in the form of greater natural wisdom about sex. They could hardly help themselves. Shaw maintained that the instinct of women acted as a sophisticated compass in steering our course for the future. His disenchantment with the human experiment expanded during and after the First World War. In Heartbreak House—"my Lear" he called it—he shows us what he supposed to be a "Bloomsburgian" culture where the feminine instinct has been trivialized in such a way that it no longer gives us our true bearings, and we drift towards the rocks. We had defaulted in our contract with the Life Force and would probably be superseded by another partner. Michael Holroyd is the author of Lytton Strachey and Augustus John and the authorized biography of George Bernard Shaw. The present essay appears in The Genius of Shaw, edited by Holroyd, published by Holt, Rinehart and Winston. (shrink)

I believe that as a teacher I must provide high quality content for my students. And all these should be available for free online so that bright students globally can choose which editions of a seminal text they can study. In every UG, PG examination, one is asked about the importance of the title of Shaw's play. In this paper I have illustrated by my own reading how one should and can approach the play. For scholars, my annotations referring (...) to John of Patmos may be interesting. I have deposited this paper here since I have shown the deep multiple philosophical mooring which Shaw affords but often even a discerning reader misses. (shrink)

What did Bernard Shaw really think about doctors? Although any reader with a sketchy understanding of Shaw's work is inclined to think that he condened the entire profession, a careful reading of his most well-known play featuring medical practitioners reveals a mixed attitude. InThe Doctor's Dilemma, one finds a position that may be representative of Shaw's attitude. In this play, he places the entire Edwardian medical establishment—consultants and general practitioners — on stage, and he focuses the (...) attention of this diverse group on the problem of a patient. In doing so, Shaw is able to separate the play's characters into representatives of (1) the newscientific medicine and (2) the venerableart of medicine. He satirizes the arrogance of the former, and he presents the humane attitude of the latter in a favorable light. (shrink)

There remains a strange gap between Shaw's biographers who assert the importance of Marxism for Shaw during the 1880s and intellectual historians who deny the importance of Marxism for Shaw during the 1880s. My intention is to close this gap by placing Shaw's early beliefs in the context of contemporary Marxism, thereby showing that Shaw was a Marxist and even that his version of Fabianism retained features of his earlier Marxism. Further, I hope thereby to (...) contribute to the debate on why there was no Marxism in Great Britain or, more accurately, why the Marxism there was did not give rise to a mass Marxist party. The intellectual development of Shaw provides an example of the way in which British Marxism became embroiled in a broader socialist, radical and working-class movement. The example of Shaw reminds us that Marxism is an intellectual tradition, not a political party, and that this tradition played an important part in both the socialist revival and the emergence of the Labour Party. (shrink)

Il presente lavoro si pone un duplice obiettivo: in prima battuta si vuole sottolineare l’importanza del pensiero politico di George Bernard Shaw all’interno della storia delle dottrine politiche e, in seconda istanza, si intende andare oltre lo studio dello shawinismo fabiano. Partendo da tali presupposti, questa ricerca, ancora in progress, intende mettere in luce un aspetto inedito del pensiero politico del drammaturgo irlandese attraverso lo studio critico di una delle sue opere più celebri: The Intelligent Woman’s Guide to (...) Socialism and Capitalism, pubblicata nel 1928. In tale scritto, a lungo interpretato solo ed esclusivamente come un’opera suffragista - come vedremo nel saggio -, appare chiaro il sostegno di Shaw ad un “socialismo elitario” di stampo meritocratico. L’autore teorizza e spiega in maniera puntuale il programma socialista a cui si affida per risolvere i problemi del periodo grazie alla teoria della ridistribuzione del reddito, utile, a parer suo, per far emergere i “talenti innati”. Shaw definisce questi uomini dei gentleman con capacità cognitive innate superiori non trasmissibili per ereditarietà, che spinti da un’energia vitale possono contribuire ad elevare la società dalla mediocrità. Shaw richiama anche il superuomo di Nietzsche ma con degli elementi migliorativi, da qui il nesso con l’eugenetica di stampo fabiano che teorizza la creazione di una “razza umana” più efficiente. (shrink)

During the British socialist revival of the 1880s competing theories of evolution were central to disagreements about strategy for social change. In News from Nowhere (1891), William Morris had portrayed socialism as the result of Lamarckian processes, and imagined a non-Malthusian future. H.G. Wells, an enthusiastic admirer of Morris in the early days of the movement, became disillusioned as a result of the Malthusianism he learnt from Huxley and his subsequent rejection of Lamarckism in light of Weismann's experiments on mice. (...) This brought him into conflict with his fellow Fabian, George Bernard Shaw, who rejected neo-Darwinism in favour of a Lamarckian conception of change he called "creative evolution.". (shrink)

We discuss how Burns' conception may be further extended to integrate research on eye movement abnormalities, but then point to a contradiction between Burns' conception of schizophrenia as the genetic price for human social life and the diffusion tensor imaging (DTI) data, which constitute his central piece of evidence.