Fair enough, Derek. The post more or less says the following:
"Philosophers often say that the dimensions of art that matter will
remain forever opaque to cognitive science. Neuroscience and psychology may
help us understand how we perceptually engage with artworks, how we parse some
aspects of their formal-compositional structure, recover their expressive
properties, etc. They may provide some traction in understanding how we recover
the melodic structure of musical works, the depictive content of images, or the
mental and emotional lives of characters in narrative fictions. But, and here
the philosophical folk tend to be emphatic, this explanatory strategy won't
help us with a range of questions associated with the normative dimension of
appreciation. It won't help us recognize or understand the artistically salient
features of a work. It won't help us understand why they are artistically
valuable. And it won't give us any traction in understanding the evaluative judgments
that surround them. This latter point is really the crux of the matter. Buried
in this rhetoric is an intuition that there is an evaluative dimension that is inseparable
from our judgments about art and forever beyond the reach of psychology and
neuroscience.
The short version of this concern is that cognitive science traffics in
causal-psychological explanations that are ill fit to the explanatory goals of
philosophy of art. Appreciative judgments in art are judgments of fit between
works and the range of evaluative conventions appropriate for their particular
category of art. But the same neuropsychological mechanisms support our
perception and understanding of both exemplary and atrocious artworks. These
kinds of explanations don't enable us to discriminate between works that are
done well and works that are done poorly. As a result, they fail to reveal
anything interesting about the appreciative conventions that define our concept
of art in different contexts. They are equal opportunity explanations that
exhibit a degree of generality good for psychology, but bad for philosophical
aesthetics.
The contemporary grounds for this view can be traced back to Ludwig
Wittgenstein's posthumously published lectures on aesthetics (1967) and George
Dickie's (1962) paper, "Is Psychology Relevant to Aesthetics?" (see
Carroll, Moore,&Seeley, 2102). Dickie asks us to imagine adjective
matching and preference ordering experiments common in empirical aesthetics. In
these cases, psychologists poll large samples of average (non-expert) consumers
in order to tease out important facts about the nature of art. For instance,
one might ask participants to match paintings to the kinds of descriptive
adjectives experts use to describe them in art critical contexts. Or one might
ask participants to sort a set of musical passages relative to their subjective
preferences. We might find a significant correlation between the experts and
average consumers in each of these cases. But, the interesting case is where we
don't. What do we do then? Dickie points out that deferring to the average
consumer would be like polling toddlers about grammar rules. What matters in
either case isn't the agreement among the sample of participants. Rather, it is
the prior reflective judgments of the experts used to set the scale -- the judgments of individuals familiar with
the conventions governing practice in those contexts. No investigation of the
psychological mechanisms underwriting the grammatical judgments of toddlers (or
the appreciative judgments of average viewers) will reveal the appropriate
conventions.
The following, often quoted, passages from Wittgenstein's lectures on
aesthetics are likewise explicit in their criticism of empirical aesthetics:
7. People still have
the idea that psychology is one day going to explain all of our aesthetic judgments,
and they mean experimental psychology. This is very funny – very funny indeed.
There doesn't seem to be any connection between what psychologists do and any judgment
about a work of art… (Wittgenstein, 1967, p. 19).
8. Suppose it was
found that all of our judgments proceeded from our brains. We discovered
particular kinds of mechanisms in the brain, formulated general laws, etc…The
question is whether this is the sort of explanation we would like to have when
we are puzzled by aesthetic impressions… (Wittgenstein, 1967, p. 20).
Wittgenstein's point is that we aren't so much interested in the appreciative
responses of consumers, in the immediate judgments they make, but in the
reasons they give, the way they choose, the standards they use to make these judgments.
For instance, the naïve viewer and the expert might equally appraise the gesture
of a brushstroke. But one might see in it the exuberant energy of finger
painting and an illustration of the inexhaustible hope of childhood. The other
might see in it a trace of the history of expressive drawing, a thread to sort
and organize a critical history, a way of understanding the salience of that
noteworthy expressive gesture against a history of artistic practice. There
are, as Wittgenstein asserts, "an extraordinary number of different cases
of appreciation." Both appreciate the work. But only one appreciates it as
an artwork, only one associates the artifact with the set of conventions
associated with artistic practices, with the language games of art. Think analogously
of someone who says that they've seen Robert Morriss' Rope Piece (1964) in the school gym.
Of course Wittgenstein takes things even a step further. He argues that
"what belongs to a language game is a whole culture." This suggests
that the reasons given, that the the standards by which one chooses, the norms
that constrain our evaluative judgments about art, cannot be explicitly given
in isolation, cannot be given as atomistic causes, as individual cogs in an
internalist, causal-psychological explanation. Rather, they can only be
understood as emergent in the totality of the shared practices of a community. Likewise
Dickie borrows a metaphor from Philosophical
Investigations to describe the standards governing practice of artistic
appreciations, "Appreciating works of art is an ancient and encrusted
activity of men: it is…part of the old city in which the streets are narrow and
crooked but nevertheless we know them well, although we often get confused if
asked to describe them for someone or draw a map (Dickie, 1962, p. 300).
The crux of the matter, to return to the present, is that evaluative judgments
about artworks are modeled as post-perceptual judgments about the fit between
what has already been seen or heard in a work on the one hand, and the
normative conventions that define the appropriate category of art on the other.
What differentiates the novice from the art expert is that art critical
knowledge of these conventions enables the latter to differentially focus his
or her attention, to select features of a prior, common perceptual experience
of a work that match to the productive and evaluative conventions that
determine its artistic value. The skeptics claim here is twofold. First, these
cognitive processes are not appropriately modeled by the causal-psychological
mechanisms that support our our perceptual engagement with the work. Second, what
matters is the conventions, the prior standards against which we evaluate what
we perceive in a work, not how we perceive it per se.
These are quite reasonable worries. However, I think a short discussion
of current research in affective perception may forestall these concerns. Affective
perception has traditionally been modelled as a direct affair, an unmediated
psychological response to a special class of stimuli that naturally broadcast
their behavioral significance or biological value (LeDoux, 1996; Pessoa &
Adolphs, 2010). This model has been challenged in recent years. Lisa Feldman
Barrett and her colleagues (2011) report a broad range of contextual effects in
affective perception. Descriptions of a scene or social situation influence how
perceivers identify, or categorize, emotional expressions, e.g. a scowl can be
categorized as an angry or disgusted facial expression, how information is
sampled from facial expressions in eye tracking studies , and even how we
perceive expressive faces, e.g. situation descriptions can be shown to
influence the way dynamic facial expressions are encoded in the early visual
cortex. These effects generalize to individual differences in knowledge about perceived
emotions, and extend to cultural differences in the general conception of the
nature and significance of emotions and related behaviors.
Luiz Pessoa and his colleagues (2002) have shown further that affective
responses to emotionally charged stimuli depend on the availability of
attentional resources. The amygdala is ordinarily used as an indicator of
affective responsiveness to stimuli. Covertly
attending to the orientation of rectangular bars in a same/different
orientation task eliminated amygdala responses to fearful and happy facial
expressions, even though the participants in their study were fixating on the
center of the faces.
These data suggest that affective perception is not only influenced by,
but may even be dependent on the availability of cognitive resources.
What explains cognitive effects in affective perception? Barrett and
Moshe Bar (2009) suggest that the outputs of an affective processing system are
integrated into unimodal perceptual processes via a top-down projections form
orbito-frontal cortex. The net result is a crossmodally integrated multisensory
perceptual network. Their claim, consistent with a biased competition theory of
attention (Desimone and Duncan, 1996; Kastner, 2004), is that a fast forward
sweep of perceptual processing, at or about 180 milliseconds, is sufficient for
a gist level categorization of a
scene, object, event, action, or other agent (Greene and Oliva, 2009). This, in
turn, drives a quick categorically appropriate affective response to stimuli
that primes the body for action - approach or withdrawal. Top-down projections
from prefrontal areas and orbitofrontal cortex then collect this bodily
encoded affective information and feed it
back to sensory cortices, biasing perceptual processing, enhancing the
perception of expected, behaviorally relevant targets and inhibiting the
perception of potential distractors. These processes can be used to model
attentional, contextual, semantic, and cultural effects in affective
perception, and in perception more generally.
The integration of an affective dimension into perceptually processing
is a cognitive shortcut, a way of quickly encoding the biological value of a
perceived object, event, agent, or action. How might this work? There is no
such thing as a disembodied experience. Consequently, our knowledge of the
world comes naturally paired with an affective dimension that encodes the biological
significance, the affective value, of objects, events, agents, and actions.
Barrett and Bar argue that affect is integrated into perceptual processing as a
means to unpack and utilize this knowledge in object recognition and action
selection.
How would these processes
contribute to our engagement with artworks? We can easily imagine how the
integration of perceptual and affective processes might explain how we
recognize and experience the expressive properties of artworks. One would
expect, for instance, that depictions of figures and natural scenes would call
on the same range of cognitive-affective processes as the stimuli employed in
the experiments referred to above. Some gerrymandering might be needed to show how
abstract works call on these same concepts and categories. But we can imagine
that the expressionist qualities of abstract art ride piggyback on the same
sets of categories and image features that drive perception in natural
contexts, e.g. research in the psychology of music demonstrates a perceived
relationship between the expressive qualities of biological movements and the
expressive qualities of pure music that is underwritten by a shared set of
psychological resources (Krumhansl, 1995; Chapados and Levitin, 2008; Vines et
al, 2006). In other cases, following Barrett and Wittgenstein, we can imagine
that our affective responses to artworks are artifacts of cultural context, of
culturally bound standards, conventions, or associations governing behavior…just
as is the case in garden variety affective perception
The normative dimension of appreciation is not far behind. Artworks are
communicative devices, artifacts designed to elicit a response in viewers or to convey some content. The trick is that there
are no ideal target procedures for artistic expression in a medium. Rather, artists
develop a myriad of productive strategies, formal vocabularies, and style
through trial and error. What are the constraints on this process?
Communicative success. The communicative expectations of the artist and ever-evolving,
shared aesthetic conventions of his or her artistic community. These
expectations and conventions , in turn, function as normative constraints on
artistic appreciation. But more importantly, they determine the sets of
productive practices, formal-compositional conventions, and evaluative
conventions that define different categories of art. Categories of art emerge
from the shared practices of artists and consumers. Knowledge of these sets of
conventions , art critical knowledge of the normative conventions governing
artistic appreciation for the relevant category of art, plays just the same
role in object recognition as does knowledge of the structure and function of
objects or events in any ordinary perceptual context – they drive our attention
into, perception, and understanding of artworks.
What's the rub for philosophy of art? Art critical knowledge shapes our
perception of artworks just as knowledge of the structure and function of
objects and events shapes perception in ordinary contexts. Likewise, the
normative dimension of artistic appreciation is integrated into our perceptual
engagement with art just as the affective value of any object or event is
integrated into ordinary perception. Of course there is more to say…and even
more to do. This is an empirical hypothesis. What I have sketched here is a
schematic model whose detail and scope remains to be fleshed out.
I close with a caveat. I can imagine someone might argue that this all
misses the point. What I have detailed is the how, but not the why of
the story. I have provided a mechanism for how the work of normative
conventions might be implemented in our engagement with artworks. But I haven't
provided even a glimmer of a story for why these conventions bear their
normative force. I think this criticism would be a mistake. Appreciative
conventions in the arts bear normative force because they emerge from the
shared practices within which they are embedded. They are part and parcel of the
implicit negotiations of social behavior within a community. But I don't have
much more of a story to tell about that here. What I will say is that the how
of all of this is far from trivial. Empirical models are concrete tools used in
the natural and social sciences to generate predictions and test theories, a
means to generate normative constraints on the acceptability of theories. They can
likewise be used to generate normative constraints governing practice within
philosophy of art. Here my suggestion that, if the model I have proposed is
sound, we will have to reconsider yet another of the boundaries that have
separated the practice of philosophy of art and psychology" (Seeley 2015).
References:
William Seeley. 2015. Neuroscience & Appreciation: Very Funny Indeed. Aesthetics for Birds. http://www.aestheticsforbirds.com/2015/07/neuroscience-appreciation-very-funny.html (July 6th, 2015).
Happy?