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Summary Autonomy, as a moral value, is often considered the ground of liberal political philosophy.  Other political philosophers think this discounts the role of family and community.  Probably all recognize the importance of both and offer different balances.  Nonetheless, the role that autonomy plays in an author's political theory is inevitably of interest to political philosophers.
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  1. Bruce Ackerman, Richard J. Arneson, Ronald W. Dworkin, Gerald F. Gaus, Kent Greenawalt, Vinit Haksar, Thomas Hurka, George Klosko, Charles Larmore, Stephen Macedo, Thomas Nagel, John Rawls, Joseph Raz & George Sher (2003). Perfectionism and Neutrality: Essays in Liberal Theory. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
    Editors provide a substantive introduction to the history and theories of perfectionism and neutrality, expertly contextualizing the essays and making the collection accessible.
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  2. S. Akhtar (2011). Liberal Recognition for Identity? Only for Particularized Ones. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 10 (1):66-87.
    Communitarian writers argue that social identity is deeply important to individual autonomy and thus liberal societies have an obligation to recognize identity. Any liberal view that attempts to account for this charge must specify a procedure to recognize identity that also ensures that the liberal sense of autonomy is not weakened. In this article, I develop such an account. I argue that liberals must distinguish an identity that belongs to particular persons (particularized identity) from the collective form of that identity. (...)
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  3. Linda Alcoff (ed.) (2006). Identity Politics Reconsidered. Palgrave Macmillan.
    Based on the ongoing work of the agenda-setting Future of Minority Studies national research project, Identity Politics Reconsidered reconceptualizes the scholarly and political significance of social identity. It focuses on the deployment of “identity” within ethnic-, women’s-, disability-, and gay and lesbian studies in order to stimulate discussion about issues that are simultaneously theoretical and practical, ranging from ethics and epistemology to political theory and pedagogical practice. This collection of powerful essays by both well-known and emerging scholars offers original answers (...)
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  4. Amy Allen (2007). The Politics of Our Selves: Power, Autonomy, and Gender in Contemporary Critical Theory. Columbia University Press.
    Introduction : the politics of our selves -- Foucault, subjectivity, and the enlightenment : a critical reappraisal -- The impurity of practical reason : power and autonomy in Foucault -- Dependency, subordination, and recognition : Butler on subjection -- Empowering the lifeworld? autonomy and power in Habermas -- Contextualizing critical theory -- Engendering critical theory.
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  5. César Altamira (2009). Mouvements latino-américains : entre puissance constituante et nouveau welfare. Multitudes 4 (4):73-83.
    The opposition between the piqueteros and the government has shifted the battleground between capital and work. If in the past, confrontation focused on salary, today the growing precariousness of work has transformed the struggle of the piqueteros and the unemployed into a fight for survival. As a result of this, their objectives are the same as those of immaterial workers : autonomous and independent and exploited by capital through the network of productive cooperation which they have established among themselves.
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  6. Philipp Altmann (forthcoming). The Right to Self-Determination”: Right and Laws Between Means of Oppression and Means of Liberation in the Discourse of the Indigenous Movement of Ecuador. International Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue Internationale de Sémiotique Juridique:1-14.
    The 1970s and 1980s meant an ethnic politicization of the indigenous movement in Ecuador, until this moment defined largely as a class-based movement of indigenous peasants. The indigenous organizations started to conceptualize indigenous peoples as nationalities with their own economic, social, cultural and legal structures and therefore with the right to autonomy and self-determination. Based on this conceptualization, the movement developed demands for a pluralist reform of state and society in order to install a plurinational state with wide degrees of (...)
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  7. Sen Amartya (2006). Reason, Freedom and Well-Being. Utilitas 18 (1):80-96.
    I am embarrassed at being placed in the dizzying company of one of the truly great thinkers in the world. The similarities between Mill's ideas and mine partly reflect, of course, his influence on my thinking. But I also discuss some difficulties in taking Mill's whole theory without modification, since there are internal tensions within it. In a paper I published in 1967, I tried to discuss how Mill's willingness to hold on to some contrary positions depended on the nature (...)
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  8. Elizabeth Anderson (2008). An Epistemic Defense of Democracy: David Estlund's Democratic Authority. Episteme 5 (1):pp. 129-139.
    In Democratic Authority, David Estlund 2008 presents a major new defense of democracy, called epistemic proceduralism. The theory claims that democracy exercises legitimate authority in virtue of possessing a modest epistemic power: its decisions are the product of procedures that tend to produce just laws at a better than chance rate, and better than any other type of government that is justifiable within the terms of public reason. The balance Estlund strikes between epistemic and non-epistemic justifications of democracy is open (...)
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  9. G. R. Anderson (1987). Paternalism. In Gary R. Anderson & Valerie A. Glesnes-Anderson (eds.), Health Care Ethics: A Guide for Decision Makers. Aspen Publishers. 177--191.
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  10. Greg Anderson (2009). The Personality Of The Greek State. Journal of Hellenic Studies 129:1-.
    Were the poleis of Classical Greece state-based or stateless communities? Do their political structures meet standard criteria for full statehood? Conventional wisdom maintains that they do noto According to a broad consensus, the Classical polis was neither state-based nor stateless as such, but something somewhere in between: a unique, category-defying formation that was somehow both 'state' and 'society' simultaneously, a kind of inseparable fusion of the two. The current paper offers an alternative perspective on this complex but fundamental issue. It (...)
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  11. Joel Anderson & Rutger Claassen (2012). Sailing Alone: Teenage Autonomy and Regimes of Childhood. [REVIEW] Law and Philosophy 31 (5):495-522.
    Should society intervene to prevent the risky behavior of precocious teenagers even if it would be impermissible to intervene with adults who engage in the same risky behavior? The problem is well illustrated by the legal case of the 13-year-old Dutch girl Laura Dekker, who set out in 2009 to become the youngest person ever to sail around the world alone, succeeding in January 2012. In this paper we use her case as a point of entry for discussing the fundamental (...)
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  12. Vuko Andrić (2014). Can Groups Be Autonomous Rational Agents? A Challenge to the List-Pettit Theory. In Anita Konzelmann Ziv & Hans Bernhard Schmid (eds.), Institutions, Emotions, and Group Agents - Contributions to Social Ontology. Springer. 343-353.
    Christian List and Philip Pettit argue that some groups qualify as rational agents over and above their members. Examples include churches, commercial corporations, and political parties. According to the theory developed by List and Pettit, these groups qualify as agents because they have beliefs and desires and the capacity to process them and to act on their basis. Moreover, the alleged group agents are said to be rational to a high degree and even to be fit to be held morally (...)
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  13. Carlo Argenton & Enzo Rossi (2013). Pluralism, Preferences, and Deliberation: A Critique of Sen's Constructive Argument for Democracy. Journal of Social Philosophy 44 (2):129-145.
    In this paper we argue that Sen's defence of liberal democracy suffers from a moralistic and pro-liberal bias that renders it unable to take pluralism as seriously as it professes to do. That is because Sen’s commitment to respecting pluralism is not matched by his account of how to individuate the sorts of preferences that ought to be included in democratic deliberation. Our argument generalises as a critique of the two most common responses to the fact of pluralism in contemporary (...)
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  14. Saulius Arlauskas & Daiva Petrėnaitė (2013). The Principle of Freedom in the Law of Democratic Country. Jurisprudence 20 (2):407-428.
    Although the need of freedom is definite, the concept of individual freedom, while being interpreted with legal terms, causes not only theoretical, but also practical problems. The observed two extremes of freedom are defined as any human self-expression as well as the license, where the state power is generally attributed to disregard personal freedom. In this article the freedom of expression and state enforcement jurisdiction dichotomy are addressed by discussing positive and negative conceptions of freedom and the relationship between the (...)
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  15. Richard J. Arneson (2005). Do Patriotic Ties Limit Global Justice Duties? Journal of Ethics 9 (1-2):127 - 150.
    Some theorists who accept the existence of global justice duties to alleviate the condition of distant needy strangers hold that these duties are significantly constrained by special ties to fellow countrymen. The patriotic priority thesis holds that morality requires the members of each nation-state to give priority to helping needy fellow compatriots over more needy distant strangers. Three arguments for constraint and patriotic priority are examined in this essay: an argument from fair play, one from coercion, another from coercion and (...)
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  16. Denis G. Arnold (2001). Coercion and Moral Responsibility. American Philosophical Quarterly 38 (1):53 - 67.
    In this dissertation I develop a general theory of coercion that allows one to distinguish cases of interpersonal coercion from cases of persuasion or manipulation, and cases of institutional coercion from cases of oppression. The general theory of coercion that I develop includes as one component a theory of second-order coercion. Second-order coercion takes place whenever one person intentionally impairs the formation of the second-order desires of another person, or constrains them after their formation, in a way that frustrates or (...)
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  17. Ion Arrieta & Antonio Casado da Rocha (2010). La ética asistencial entre la autonomía y el paternalismo. Dilemata 3.
    Reseña de Nys, T., Denier, Y., Vandevelde, T. (eds.): 2007, Autonomy and Paternalism. Reflections on the Theory and Practice of Health Care. Lovaina: Peeters.
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  18. Attila Ataner (2006). Kant on Capital Punishment and Suicide. Kant-Studien 97 (4):452-482.
    From a juridical standpoint, Kant ardently upholds the state's right to impose the death penalty in accordance with the law of retribution. At the same time, from an ethical standpoint, Kant maintains a strict proscription against suicide. The author proposes that this latter position is inconsistent with and undercuts the former. However, Kant's division between external (juridical) and internal (moral) lawgiving is an obstacle to any argument against Kant's endorsement of capital punishment based on his own disapprobation of suicide. Nevertheless, (...)
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  19. R. F. Atkinson (1987). Personal Autonomy: Beyond Negative and Positive Liberty. Philosophical Books 28 (3):180-181.
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  20. M. B. (1979). The Politics of Autonomy. Review of Metaphysics 32 (3):556-557.
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  21. Elvio Baccarini (2008). Liberal Nationalism: The Autonomy Argument. Prolegomena 7 (2):153-179.
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  22. Neera Badhwar (1983). Love, Politics, and Autonomy. Reason Papers 9:21-28.
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  23. Thomas Baldwin (2009). Recognition: Personal and Political. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 8 (3):311-328.
    Recognition plays a central role in international affairs and in moral and political theory. Hegel noted the connections between these two contexts, and this article explores Hegel's approach with reference to the work of two political philosophers (Honneth and Rawls) and debates in international law. The conclusion is that while recognition has a constitutive role in international affairs, it has a different role in moral and political theory: morality is the evaluative recognition of the significance of individual autonomy.
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  24. Ayelet Banai (2013). Political Self-Determination and Global Egalitarianism. Social Theory and Practice 39 (1):45-69.
    Proponents of global egalitarian justice often argue that their positions are compatible with the principle of self-determination. At the same time, prominent arguments in favor of global egalitarianism object to one central component of the principle: namely, that the borders of states (or other political units) are normatively significant for the allocation of rights and duties; that duties of justice and democratic rights should stop or change at borders. In this article, I propose an argument in defense of the normative (...)
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  25. Linda Barclay (2000). Autonomy and the Social Self. In Catriona Mackenzie & Natalie Stoljar (eds.), Relational Autonomy: Feminist Perspectives on Autonomy, Agency, and the Social Self. Oup Usa.
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  26. F. M. Barnard (1988). Self-Direction and Political Legitimacy: Rousseau and Herder. Oxford University.
    Johann Gottfried Herder (1744-1803) has been called the German Rousseau. Yet while Rousseau is recognized as a political thinker, Herder is not. This book explores each thinker's ideas--on nature and culture, selfhood and mutuality, paternalism, freedom, and autonomy--and compares their conceptions of legitimate statehood. Arguing that the crux of political legitimacy for both men was the possibility of "extended selfhood," Barnard shows that Herder, like Rousseau, profoundly altered human self-understandings, thus influencing modes of justifying political allegiance.
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  27. Jonathan Barnes (1990). Partial Wholes. Social Philosophy and Policy 8 (01):1-.
    Individualists like to think of themselves as atoms, their trajectories causally dependent on collisions with other similar entities but their essence resolutely independent and autonomous. They are whole and entire in themselves: they are not elements or adjuncts of some greater whole. Collectivists take an opposite view. Their oddities and accidents may be individual and independent, their movements and machinations largely self-determined, but in their essence they are necessarily bound to others – for all are adjuncts and elements of a (...)
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  28. Pierluigi Barrotta (2008). Why Economists Should Be Unhappy with the Economics of Happiness. Economics and Philosophy 24 (2):145-165.
    The economics of happiness is an influential research programme, the aim of which is to change welfare economics radically. In this paper I set out to show that its foundations are unreliable. I shall maintain two basic theses: (a) the economics of happiness shows inconsistencies with the first person standpoint, contrary claims on the part of the economists of happiness notwithstanding, and (b) happiness is a dubious concept if it is understood as the goal of welfare policies. These two theses (...)
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  29. Norman Barry (1986). The Concept of" Nature" In Liberal Political Thought. Journal of Libertarian Studies 8 (1):1-17.
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  30. Zygmunt Bauman (1999). In Search of Politics. Stanford University Press.
    Why do most of us consider ourselves free but also believe there is little we can change in the way the world is run - individually, severally, or even collectively? Why has the growth of individual freedom coincided with the growth of collective impotence? Bauman argues that this condition hangs on the agora - the space where private and public meet to seek the creation of 'public good', a 'just society', or 'shared values'. The problem is that little remains of (...)
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  31. Bernard H. Baumrin (1976). Autonomy in Rawls and Kant. Midwest Studies in Philosophy 1 (1):55-57.
  32. Sebastiano Bavetta & Pietro Navarra (2012). The Economics of Freedom. Cambridge University Press.
    What is freedom? Can we measure it? Does it affect policy? This book develops an original measure of freedom called 'Autonomy Freedom', consistent with J. S. Mill's view of autonomy, and applies it to issues in policy and political design. The work pursues three aims. First, it extends classical liberalism beyond exclusive reliance on negative freedom so as to take autonomous behavior explicitly into account. Second, it grounds on firm conceptual foundations a new standard in the measurement of freedom that (...)
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  33. Tom L. Beauchamp (2005). Who Deserves Autonomy, and Whose Autonomy Deserves Respect. In J. Stacey Taylor (ed.), Personal Autonomy: New Essays on Personal Autonomy and its Role in Contemporary Moral Philosophy. Cambridge University Press. 310--329.
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  34. A. Beaulieu (2010). Towards a Liberal Utopia: The Connection Between Foucault's Reporting on the Iranian Revolution and the Ethical Turn. Philosophy and Social Criticism 36 (7):801-818.
    The shift in Foucault’s work from genealogy to ethics finds consensus among Foucault scholars. However, the motivations behind this transition remain either misunderstood or understudied in large part. Foucault’s recently published or soon-to-be translated 1977/—9 lectures (published as Security, Territory, Population and as The Birth of Biopolitics) offer new elements for understanding this dense and uncharted period along Foucault’s itinerary. In this article, the author argues that Foucault’s interpretation of the liberal tradition, which is at the core of the 1977—9 (...)
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  35. J. Beck Hoy (1979). Three Conceptions of Autonomy in Rawis' Theory of Justice. Philosophy and Social Criticism 6 (1):58-78.
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  36. C. Beckett (2003). Autonomy, Liberalism, and Conjugal Love. Res Publica 9:285-301.
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  37. Ludvig Beckman (2005). Democracy and Genetic Privacy: The Value of Bodily Integrity. [REVIEW] Medicine, Health Care and Philosophy 8 (1):97-103.
    The right to genetic privacy is presently being incorporated in legal systems all over the world. It remains largely unclear however what interests and values this right serves to protect. There are many different arguments made in the literature, yet none takes into account the problem of how particular values can be justified given the plurality of moral and religious doctrines in our societies. In this article theories of public reason are used in order to explore how genetic privacy could (...)
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  38. Rodger Beehler (1989). Autonomy and the Democratic Principle. Canadian Journal of Philosophy 19 (4):575 - 581.
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  39. Donald Beggs (2009). Postliberal Theory. Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 12 (3):219 - 234.
    This paper begins with a critical part and concludes with a constructive part. First, with reference to a definition of liberalism and using immanent critique, I show deficiencies in the claims of four selfprofessed postliberals to have articulated non-liberal positions. Then, I argue that postliberal political theory consists in acknowledging that in political contexts some voluntary groups as such can be moral, not merely political, agents. Analysis of what moral autonomy is for persons as empirical (not noumenal) agents reveals that (...)
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  40. Christina M. Bellon (2011). The Politics of Ourselves: Power, Autonomy, and Gender in Contemporary Critical Theory. By Amy Allen. Metaphilosophy 42 (3):340-345.
  41. Elizabeth Ben-Ishai (2009). The Autonomy-Fostering State: "Coordinated Fragmentation" and Domestic Violence Services. Journal of Political Philosophy 17 (3):307-331.
  42. Sigal R. Ben-Porath (2009). Citizenship Under Fire: Democratic Education in Times of Conflict. Princeton University Press.
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  43. Yaacov Ben-Shemesh (2005). Neutrality Without Autonomy. Law and Philosophy 24 (5):435-466.
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  44. Christopher Bennett (2003). Liberalism, Autonomy and Conjugal Love. Res Publica 9 (3):285-301.
    This paper argues that a liberal state is justified in promoting relationships of conjugal love – the form of relationship that is the basis of the institution of marriage – on the grounds that they are essential to the development and maintenance of autonomy. A deep human need is that the detail of our lives be recognized (accepted, affirmed, granted importance) by others (or by an other). Autonomy can be compromised when this need is not met. So a state concerned (...)
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  45. Paul Benson (2005). Feminist Intuitions and the Normative Substance of Autonomy. In J. Stacey Taylor (ed.), Personal Autonomy: New Essays on Personal Autonomy and its Role in Contemporary Moral Philosophy. Cambridge University Press. 124--142.
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  46. Franco "Bifo" Berardi & Jason E. Smith (2009). The Soul at Work: From Alienation to Autonomy. Semiotext(E).
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  47. Fred R. Berger (1985). Paternalism and Autonomy. Bowling Green Studies in Applied Philosophy 7:37-52.
  48. Michela Bernardi (2010). Stato Sociale E Libertà Politica in Tocqueville. Il Prato.
  49. A. C. Besley (2005). Jim Marshall: Foucault and Disciplining the Self. Educational Philosophy and Theory 37 (3):309-315.
    This paper notes how Jim influenced my own use of Foucault and also focuses on two of James Marshall's New Zealand oriented texts. In the first, Discipline and Punishment in New Zealand Education he provides a Foucauldian genealogy of New Zealand approaches to both punishment and discipline, in particular corporal punishment. The second, his 1996 book co‐written with Michael Peters, Individualism and Community: Education and Social Policy in the Postmodern Condition, analyses political philosophy and social and educational policy as New (...)
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  50. A. C. Besley (2005). Jim Marshall: Foucault and Disciplining the Self. Educational Philosophy and Theory 37 (3):309–315.
    This paper notes how Jim influenced my own use of Foucault and also focuses on two of James Marshall's New Zealand oriented texts. In the first, Discipline and Punishment in New Zealand Education he provides a Foucauldian genealogy of New Zealand approaches to both punishment and discipline, in particular corporal punishment. The second, his 1996 book co‐written with Michael Peters, Individualism and Community: Education and Social Policy in the Postmodern Condition, analyses political philosophy and social and educational policy as New (...)
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