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Summary Autonomy, as a moral value, is often considered the ground of liberal political philosophy.  Other political philosophers think this discounts the role of family and community.  Probably all recognize the importance of both and offer different balances.  Nonetheless, the role that autonomy plays in an author's political theory is inevitably of interest to political philosophers.
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  1. Andrew Russell Ackerman (1999). Local Liberty and Respect for Individual Autonomy: A Tocquevillian Critique of Liberal Neutrality. Dissertation, Bowling Green State University
    In this dissertation, I criticized the argument that in order to respect the autonomy of individuals, government must be neutral on questions of the good life. In Chapter 1, I discussed the concept of liberal neutrality, and presented a key argument neutralists use to defend it . In Chapter 2, I explored and cultivated Tocqueville's notion of local liberty to serve as a foundation to challenge the Argument from Respect for Individual Autonomy. In Chapter 3, I developed a political framework (...)
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  2. Bruce Ackerman, Richard J. Arneson, Ronald W. Dworkin, Gerald F. Gaus, Kent Greenawalt, Vinit Haksar, Thomas Hurka, George Klosko, Charles Larmore, Stephen Macedo, Thomas Nagel, John Rawls, Joseph Raz & George Sher (2003). Perfectionism and Neutrality: Essays in Liberal Theory. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
    Editors provide a substantive introduction to the history and theories of perfectionism and neutrality, expertly contextualizing the essays and making the collection accessible.
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  3. Barry Adam (1994). Cornelius Castoriadis, Philosophy, Politics, Autonomy. [REVIEW] Philosophy in Review 14:12-13.
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  4. S. Akhtar (2011). Liberal Recognition for Identity? Only for Particularized Ones. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 10 (1):66-87.
    Communitarian writers argue that social identity is deeply important to individual autonomy and thus liberal societies have an obligation to recognize identity. Any liberal view that attempts to account for this charge must specify a procedure to recognize identity that also ensures that the liberal sense of autonomy is not weakened. In this article, I develop such an account. I argue that liberals must distinguish an identity that belongs to particular persons (particularized identity) from the collective form of that identity. (...)
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  5. Linda Alcoff (ed.) (2006). Identity Politics Reconsidered. Palgrave Macmillan.
    Based on the ongoing work of the agenda-setting Future of Minority Studies national research project, Identity Politics Reconsidered reconceptualizes the scholarly and political significance of social identity. It focuses on the deployment of “identity” within ethnic-, women’s-, disability-, and gay and lesbian studies in order to stimulate discussion about issues that are simultaneously theoretical and practical, ranging from ethics and epistemology to political theory and pedagogical practice. This collection of powerful essays by both well-known and emerging scholars offers original answers (...)
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  6. Amy Allen (2007). The Politics of Our Selves: Power, Autonomy, and Gender in Contemporary Critical Theory. Columbia University Press.
    Introduction : the politics of our selves -- Foucault, subjectivity, and the enlightenment : a critical reappraisal -- The impurity of practical reason : power and autonomy in Foucault -- Dependency, subordination, and recognition : Butler on subjection -- Empowering the lifeworld? autonomy and power in Habermas -- Contextualizing critical theory -- Engendering critical theory.
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  7. Anita L. Allen, Sandra Lee Bartky, John Christman, Judith Wagner DeCew, Edward Johnson, Lenore Kuo, Mary Briody Mahowald, Kathryn Pauly Morgan, Melinda Roberts, Debra Satz, Susan Sherwin, Anita Superson, Mary Anne Warren & Susan Wendell (1995). Nagging' Questions: Feminist Ethics in Everyday Life. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
    In this anthology of new and classic articles, fifteen noted feminist philosophers explore contemporary ethical issues that uniquely affect the lives of women. These issues in applied ethics include autonomy, responsibility, sexual harassment, women in the military, new technologies for reproduction, surrogate motherhood, pornography, abortion, nonfeminist women and others. Whether generated by old social standards or intensified by recent technology, these dilemmas all pose persistent, 'nagging,' questions that cry out for answers.
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  8. César Altamira (2009). Mouvements latino-américains : entre puissance constituante et nouveau welfare. Multitudes 4 (4):73-83.
    The opposition between the piqueteros and the government has shifted the battleground between capital and work. If in the past, confrontation focused on salary, today the growing precariousness of work has transformed the struggle of the piqueteros and the unemployed into a fight for survival. As a result of this, their objectives are the same as those of immaterial workers : autonomous and independent and exploited by capital through the network of productive cooperation which they have established among themselves.
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  9. John Altmann, Critiquing The Veil Of Ignorance.
    The present work is to be a critique of Rawls’ Veil of Ignorance as well as putting forth an alternative analytical tool when constructing societies known as the L’echelle Naturelle. My paper hopes to argue that inequalities in a society are not only essential in society contrary to Rawls’ Egalitarian ideology, but do in fact contain equality so long as the autonomy of the citizen is fully exercisable. I contend that institutions such as government and their extensions namely the law, (...)
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  10. Philipp Altmann (forthcoming). The Right to Self-Determination”: Right and Laws Between Means of Oppression and Means of Liberation in the Discourse of the Indigenous Movement of Ecuador. International Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue Internationale de Sémiotique Juridique:1-14.
    The 1970s and 1980s meant an ethnic politicization of the indigenous movement in Ecuador, until this moment defined largely as a class-based movement of indigenous peasants. The indigenous organizations started to conceptualize indigenous peoples as nationalities with their own economic, social, cultural and legal structures and therefore with the right to autonomy and self-determination. Based on this conceptualization, the movement developed demands for a pluralist reform of state and society in order to install a plurinational state with wide degrees of (...)
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  11. Sen Amartya (2006). Reason, Freedom and Well-Being. Utilitas 18 (1):80-96.
    I am embarrassed at being placed in the dizzying company of one of the truly great thinkers in the world. The similarities between Mill's ideas and mine partly reflect, of course, his influence on my thinking. But I also discuss some difficulties in taking Mill's whole theory without modification, since there are internal tensions within it. In a paper I published in 1967, I tried to discuss how Mill's willingness to hold on to some contrary positions depended on the nature (...)
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  12. Elizabeth Anderson (2008). An Epistemic Defense of Democracy: David Estlund's Democratic Authority. Episteme 5 (1):pp. 129-139.
    In Democratic Authority, David Estlund 2008 presents a major new defense of democracy, called epistemic proceduralism. The theory claims that democracy exercises legitimate authority in virtue of possessing a modest epistemic power: its decisions are the product of procedures that tend to produce just laws at a better than chance rate, and better than any other type of government that is justifiable within the terms of public reason. The balance Estlund strikes between epistemic and non-epistemic justifications of democracy is open (...)
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  13. Erik Albert Anderson (2001). Believers and Citizens: Religious Freedom in a Deliberative Democracy. Dissertation, The University of Connecticut
    A deliberative democracy is a society committed to the ideal of reasoned political deliberation as the source of legitimate laws and policies. Recently, the role that citizens' religious convictions should play in political deliberation has been the subject of much philosophical debate. I enter this debate by rejecting the claim that participants in political deliberations must refrain from basing their political proposals on their religious convictions. I argue that citizens and legislators may freely base their political proposals on their religious (...)
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  14. G. R. Anderson (1987). Paternalism. In Gary R. Anderson & Valerie A. Glesnes-Anderson (eds.), Health Care Ethics: A Guide for Decision Makers. Aspen Publishers 177--191.
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  15. Greg Anderson (2009). The Personality Of The Greek State. Journal of Hellenic Studies 129:1-.
    Were the poleis of Classical Greece state-based or stateless communities? Do their political structures meet standard criteria for full statehood? Conventional wisdom maintains that they do noto According to a broad consensus, the Classical polis was neither state-based nor stateless as such, but something somewhere in between: a unique, category-defying formation that was somehow both 'state' and 'society' simultaneously, a kind of inseparable fusion of the two. The current paper offers an alternative perspective on this complex but fundamental issue. It (...)
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  16. Joel Anderson & Rutger Claassen (2012). Sailing Alone: Teenage Autonomy and Regimes of Childhood. [REVIEW] Law and Philosophy 31 (5):495-522.
    Should society intervene to prevent the risky behavior of precocious teenagers even if it would be impermissible to intervene with adults who engage in the same risky behavior? The problem is well illustrated by the legal case of the 13-year-old Dutch girl Laura Dekker, who set out in 2009 to become the youngest person ever to sail around the world alone, succeeding in January 2012. In this paper we use her case as a point of entry for discussing the fundamental (...)
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  17. Vuko Andrić (2014). Can Groups Be Autonomous Rational Agents? A Challenge to the List-Pettit Theory. In Anita Konzelmann Ziv & Hans Bernhard Schmid (eds.), Institutions, Emotions, and Group Agents - Contributions to Social Ontology. Springer 343-353.
    Christian List and Philip Pettit argue that some groups qualify as rational agents over and above their members. Examples include churches, commercial corporations, and political parties. According to the theory developed by List and Pettit, these groups qualify as agents because they have beliefs and desires and the capacity to process them and to act on their basis. Moreover, the alleged group agents are said to be rational to a high degree and even to be fit to be held morally (...)
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  18. Harry Annison, Book Review: Peter Ramsay, The Insecurity State: Vulnerable Autonomy and the Right to Security in the Criminal Law. [REVIEW]
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  19. William John Antholis (1993). Liberal Democratic Theory and the Transformation of Sovereignty. Dissertation, Yale University
    What can sovereignty mean in a liberal democratic world order? Can sovereignty be made consistent with liberal understandings of legitimate politics? This inquiry attempts to assess how liberal thought addresses sovereignty's relationship to boundaries. In its most traditional usage, sovereignty generally refers to a government's power as being supreme within territorial boundaries and autonomous from governments outside those borders. More controversially, however, this study explores how sovereignty crosses intellectual boundaries as well as geographic ones, describing domains of public life variously (...)
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  20. Richard Archer (1976). Personal Autonomy and Historical Materialism. Radical Philosophy 15:8.
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  21. Carlo Argenton & Enzo Rossi (2013). Pluralism, Preferences, and Deliberation: A Critique of Sen's Constructive Argument for Democracy. Journal of Social Philosophy 44 (2):129-145.
    In this paper we argue that Sen's defence of liberal democracy suffers from a moralistic and pro-liberal bias that renders it unable to take pluralism as seriously as it professes to do. That is because Sen’s commitment to respecting pluralism is not matched by his account of how to individuate the sorts of preferences that ought to be included in democratic deliberation. Our argument generalises as a critique of the two most common responses to the fact of pluralism in contemporary (...)
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  22. Saulius Arlauskas & Daiva Petrėnaitė (2013). The Principle of Freedom in the Law of Democratic Country. Jurisprudence 20 (2):407-428.
    Although the need of freedom is definite, the concept of individual freedom, while being interpreted with legal terms, causes not only theoretical, but also practical problems. The observed two extremes of freedom are defined as any human self-expression as well as the license, where the state power is generally attributed to disregard personal freedom. In this article the freedom of expression and state enforcement jurisdiction dichotomy are addressed by discussing positive and negative conceptions of freedom and the relationship between the (...)
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  23. Barbara Arneil (2009). Disability, Self Image, and Modern Political Theory. Political Theory 37 (2):218 - 242.
    Charles Taylor argues that recognition begins with the politics of "self-image," as groups represented in the past by others in ways harmful to their own identity replace negative historical self-images with positive ones of their own making. Given the centrality of "self image" to his politics of recognition, it is striking that Taylor, himself, represents disabled people in language that is both limiting and depreciating. The author argues such negative self-images are not unique to Taylor but endemic to modern political (...)
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  24. Richard J. Arneson (2005). Do Patriotic Ties Limit Global Justice Duties? Journal of Ethics 9 (1-2):127 - 150.
    Some theorists who accept the existence of global justice duties to alleviate the condition of distant needy strangers hold that these duties are significantly constrained by special ties to fellow countrymen. The patriotic priority thesis holds that morality requires the members of each nation-state to give priority to helping needy fellow compatriots over more needy distant strangers. Three arguments for constraint and patriotic priority are examined in this essay: an argument from fair play, one from coercion, another from coercion and (...)
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  25. Denis G. Arnold (2001). Coercion and Moral Responsibility. American Philosophical Quarterly 38 (1):53 - 67.
    In this dissertation I develop a general theory of coercion that allows one to distinguish cases of interpersonal coercion from cases of persuasion or manipulation, and cases of institutional coercion from cases of oppression. The general theory of coercion that I develop includes as one component a theory of second-order coercion. Second-order coercion takes place whenever one person intentionally impairs the formation of the second-order desires of another person, or constrains them after their formation, in a way that frustrates or (...)
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  26. Ion Arrieta & Antonio da Rocha (2010). La ética asistencial entre la autonomía y el paternalismo: Reseña de Nys, T., Denier, Y., Vandevelde, T. : 2007, Autonomy and Paternalism. Reflections on the Theory and Practice of Health Care. Lovaina: Peeters. [REVIEW] Dilemata.
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  27. Ion Arrieta & Antonio Casado da Rocha (2010). La ética asistencial entre la autonomía y el paternalismo. Dilemata 3.
    Reseña de Nys, T., Denier, Y., Vandevelde, T. (eds.): 2007, Autonomy and Paternalism. Reflections on the Theory and Practice of Health Care. Lovaina: Peeters.
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  28. Nadav Arviv (2010). Autonomy Here and Now: Cavell’s Criticisms of Rawls. European Journal of Pragmatism and American Philosophy 2:188-213.
    The paper links Cavell's early criticism of Rawls's “Two Concepts of Rules” to the later criticism of TJ. In his early paper, Rawls enacts a certain type of foundationalist response to the practical skeptic, commonly referred to nowadays as the constitutive move. While sympathetic to the move itself, Cavell's criticism targets a conception of the nature of moral discussion that arises when the move is as it were read into ordinary moral encounters. Cavell's later criticism rehearses the structure of its (...)
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  29. Attila Ataner (2006). Kant on Capital Punishment and Suicide. Kant-Studien 97 (4):452-482.
    From a juridical standpoint, Kant ardently upholds the state's right to impose the death penalty in accordance with the law of retribution. At the same time, from an ethical standpoint, Kant maintains a strict proscription against suicide. The author proposes that this latter position is inconsistent with and undercuts the former. However, Kant's division between external (juridical) and internal (moral) lawgiving is an obstacle to any argument against Kant's endorsement of capital punishment based on his own disapprobation of suicide. Nevertheless, (...)
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  30. R. F. Atkinson (1987). Personal Autonomy: Beyond Negative and Positive Liberty. Philosophical Books 28 (3):180-181.
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  31. Paul Scott Axelrod (2000). Political Legitimacy and Self-Loss. Dissertation, University of Washington
    This dissertation challenges liberal theories of political legitimacy by questioning the foundational status of autonomy in the spheres of consent and political obligation. I propose that we conceptualize political legitimacy as a condition of the mind and body in rapture, not as the accordance of power with law or principle. Nevertheless, one of my main contentions is that experiences such as assimilation, imitation, rapture, or what I call "self-loss," are not categorically opposed to liberal conceptions of autonomy. I see such (...)
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  32. M. B. (1979). The Politics of Autonomy. Review of Metaphysics 32 (3):556-557.
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  33. Elvio Baccarini (2008). Liberal Nationalism: The Autonomy Argument. Prolegomena 7 (2):153-179.
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  34. Neera Badhwar (1983). Love, Politics, and Autonomy. Reason Papers 9:21-28.
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  35. Glenn Baier (1995). Tightening the Social Knot: Rousseau and the Politics of Imagination. Dissertation, Mcmaster University (Canada)
    Jean-Jacques Rousseau maintained that he was a consistent thinker, even if he presented his ideas in an unsystematic fashion. My work is a demonstration of the coherence of Rousseau's writing that highlights how his views on the nature and form of human imagination connect various aspects of his political philosophy. Moreover, by exploring his concept of imagination, it becomes clear that one of Rousseau's main philosophical preoccupations was the problem of social cooperation. In particular, Rousseau sought ways of controlling and (...)
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  36. Thomas Baldwin (2009). Recognition: Personal and Political. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 8 (3):311-328.
    Recognition plays a central role in international affairs and in moral and political theory. Hegel noted the connections between these two contexts, and this article explores Hegel's approach with reference to the work of two political philosophers (Honneth and Rawls) and debates in international law. The conclusion is that while recognition has a constitutive role in international affairs, it has a different role in moral and political theory: morality is the evaluative recognition of the significance of individual autonomy.
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  37. Ayelet Banai (2013). Political Self-Determination and Global Egalitarianism. Social Theory and Practice 39 (1):45-69.
    Proponents of global egalitarian justice often argue that their positions are compatible with the principle of self-determination. At the same time, prominent arguments in favor of global egalitarianism object to one central component of the principle: namely, that the borders of states (or other political units) are normatively significant for the allocation of rights and duties; that duties of justice and democratic rights should stop or change at borders. In this article, I propose an argument in defense of the normative (...)
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  38. Linda Barclay (2000). Autonomy and the Social Self. In Catriona Mackenzie & Natalie Stoljar (eds.), Relational Autonomy: Feminist Perspectives on Autonomy, Agency, and the Social Self. OUP Usa
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  39. F. M. Barnard (1988). Self-Direction and Political Legitimacy: Rousseau and Herder. Oxford University.
    Johann Gottfried Herder (1744-1803) has been called the German Rousseau. Yet while Rousseau is recognized as a political thinker, Herder is not. This book explores each thinker's ideas--on nature and culture, selfhood and mutuality, paternalism, freedom, and autonomy--and compares their conceptions of legitimate statehood. Arguing that the crux of political legitimacy for both men was the possibility of "extended selfhood," Barnard shows that Herder, like Rousseau, profoundly altered human self-understandings, thus influencing modes of justifying political allegiance.
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  40. Jonathan Barnes (1990). Partial Wholes. Social Philosophy and Policy 8 (01):1-.
    Individualists like to think of themselves as atoms, their trajectories causally dependent on collisions with other similar entities but their essence resolutely independent and autonomous. They are whole and entire in themselves: they are not elements or adjuncts of some greater whole. Collectivists take an opposite view. Their oddities and accidents may be individual and independent, their movements and machinations largely self-determined, but in their essence they are necessarily bound to others – for all are adjuncts and elements of a (...)
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  41. Benjamin Barros, Property and Freedom.
    Private property is often defended on the basis that it promotes individual freedom. Discussion of this subject has typically taken place in the context of contentious debates over the legitimacy of government interference with private property, especially government regulation of land use and redistributive taxation. Pro-property, anti-interference advocates tend to suggest that there is a strong relationship between property and freedom. Those on the other side of the debate tend to be more skeptical. The political philosopher G.A. Cohen, for example, (...)
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  42. Pierluigi Barrotta (2008). Why Economists Should Be Unhappy with the Economics of Happiness. Economics and Philosophy 24 (2):145-165.
    The economics of happiness is an influential research programme, the aim of which is to change welfare economics radically. In this paper I set out to show that its foundations are unreliable. I shall maintain two basic theses: (a) the economics of happiness shows inconsistencies with the first person standpoint, contrary claims on the part of the economists of happiness notwithstanding, and (b) happiness is a dubious concept if it is understood as the goal of welfare policies. These two theses (...)
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  43. Norman Barry (1986). The Concept of" Nature" In Liberal Political Thought. Journal of Libertarian Studies 8 (1):1-17.
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  44. Jody Bart (1994). "If I Can't Dance": The Political Philosophy of Emma Goldman. Dissertation, The Florida State University
    I place Emma Goldman's feminism at the center of her political philosophy. I argue that she made at least two distinctive contributions to anarchism. First is the argument that a consistent anarchist position must reflect both the communal and individual aspects of human nature. Second is an inclusive view of the requirements for true human emancipation. ;Anarchist theorists generally failed to integrate consistently into their social theories a view of human nature as both communal and individual. On the one hand, (...)
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  45. Zygmunt Bauman (1999). In Search of Politics. Stanford University Press.
    Why do most of us consider ourselves free but also believe there is little we can change in the way the world is run - individually, severally, or even collectively? Why has the growth of individual freedom coincided with the growth of collective impotence? Bauman argues that this condition hangs on the agora - the space where private and public meet to seek the creation of 'public good', a 'just society', or 'shared values'. The problem is that little remains of (...)
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  46. Bernard H. Baumrin (1976). Autonomy in Rawls and Kant. Midwest Studies in Philosophy 1 (1):55-57.
  47. Sebastiano Bavetta & Pietro Navarra (2012). The Economics of Freedom. Cambridge University Press.
    What is freedom? Can we measure it? Does it affect policy? This book develops an original measure of freedom called 'Autonomy Freedom', consistent with J. S. Mill's view of autonomy, and applies it to issues in policy and political design. The work pursues three aims. First, it extends classical liberalism beyond exclusive reliance on negative freedom so as to take autonomous behavior explicitly into account. Second, it grounds on firm conceptual foundations a new standard in the measurement of freedom that (...)
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  48. Tom L. Beauchamp (2005). Who Deserves Autonomy, and Whose Autonomy Deserves Respect. In J. Stacey Taylor (ed.), Personal Autonomy: New Essays on Personal Autonomy and its Role in Contemporary Moral Philosophy. Cambridge University Press 310--329.
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  49. A. Beaulieu (2010). Towards a Liberal Utopia: The Connection Between Foucault's Reporting on the Iranian Revolution and the Ethical Turn. Philosophy and Social Criticism 36 (7):801-818.
    The shift in Foucault’s work from genealogy to ethics finds consensus among Foucault scholars. However, the motivations behind this transition remain either misunderstood or understudied in large part. Foucault’s recently published or soon-to-be translated 1977/—9 lectures (published as Security, Territory, Population and as The Birth of Biopolitics) offer new elements for understanding this dense and uncharted period along Foucault’s itinerary. In this article, the author argues that Foucault’s interpretation of the liberal tradition, which is at the core of the 1977—9 (...)
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  50. J. Beck Hoy (1979). Three Conceptions of Autonomy in Rawis' Theory of Justice. Philosophy and Social Criticism 6 (1):58-78.
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