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  1. S. A. (2002). Democratic Legitimacy and the 2000 Election. Law and Philosophy 21 (2):197-220.
  2. Arash Abizadeh (2005). Democratic Elections Without Campaigns? Normative Foundations of National Baha'i Elections. World Order 37 (1):7-49.
    National Baha’i elections, conducted world-wide without nominations, competitive campaigns, or parties, challenge the emerging consensus that the only truly democratic elections are multiparty elections in which each party’s candidates compete freely for votes. National Baha’i electoral institutions are based on three core values: respect for the inherent dignity of each person, the unity and solidarity of persons collectively, and the justice and fairness of institutions. While liberal political philosophy interprets respect for dignity exclusively in terms of equality and freedom, the (...)
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  3. C. Fred Alford (1985). III. Yates on Feyerabend's Democratic Relativism. Inquiry 28 (1-4):113 – 118.
    Stephen Yates's objections to Feyerabend's political theory (Inquiry 27 [1984], 137?42) are presented in a way that makes them unnecessarily vulnerable to a rhetorical strategy often employed by Feyerabend. Like many other critics, Yates seems to assume that it is the implausibility of Feyerabend's claims that opens them to refutation, whereas it is really this that makes them such slippery targets of criticism. Rather than claim that Feyerabend's ideal would be virtually impossible to realize, I argue that Feyerabend does not (...)
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  4. Andrew Arato (2001). Congressional or (Weak) Presidential Government: The Results of the Election Crisis of 2000. Constellations 8 (3):289-303.
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  5. Gustaf Arrhenius, Defining Democratic Decision Making.
    In his Populist Democracy: A Defence (1993), Torbjörn Tännsjö suggests, roughly, the following necessary and sufficient conditions for a democratic collective choice: If the majority of a given group of voters prefer A to B, then the collective choice is A rather than B; and if the majority of voters had preferred B to A, then the collective choice would have been B rather than A. Moreover, the preference of a voter is equated with the one she is showing by (...)
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  6. N. C. Bhattacharyya (1968). John Dewey's Instrumentalism, Democratic Ideal and Education. Educational Theory 18 (1):60-72.
  7. Hans Theodorus Blokland (2011). Pluralism, Democracy and Political Knowledge: Robert a Dahl and His Critics on Modern Politics. Ashgate.
    Taking his work as the point of reference, this book not only provides an illuminating history of political science, told via Dahl and his critics, it also ...
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  8. Patricia Boling (1991). The Democratic Potential of Mothering. Political Theory 19 (4):606-625.
  9. Corey Brettschneider (2007). Democratic Rights: The Substance of Self-Government. Princeton University Press.
    When the Supreme Court in 2003 struck down a Texas law prohibiting homosexual sodomy, it cited the right to privacy based on the guarantee of "substantive due process" embodied by the Constitution. But did the court act undemocratically by overriding the rights of the majority of voters in Texas? Scholars often point to such cases as exposing a fundamental tension between the democratic principle of majority rule and the liberal concern to protect individual rights. Democratic Rights challenges this view by (...)
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  10. Corey Brettschneider (2006). The Value Theory of Democracy. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 5 (3):259-278.
    Liberal political theorists often argue that justice requires limits on policy outcomes, limits delineated by substantive rights. Distinct from this project is a body of literature dedicated to elaborating on the meaning of democracy in procedural terms. In this article, I offer an alternative to the traditional divide between procedural theories of democracy and substantive theories of justice; I call this the ‘value theory of democracy’. I argue that the democratic ideal is fundamentally about a core set of values (political (...)
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  11. Thom Brooks (2006). Ian Shapiro, The State of Democratic Theory:The State of Democratic Theory. Ethics 116 (2):442-444.
    Book review of Ian Shapiro - "The State of Democratic Theory".
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  12. W. Jethro Brown (1904). The True Democratic Ideal. International Journal of Ethics 14 (2):137-150.
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  13. H. G. Callaway (2000). Pragmatic Pluralism and American Democracy. In R. Tapp (ed.), Multiculturalism: Humanist Perspectives.
    This paper approaches "multiculturalism" obliquely via conceptions of social and political pluralism in the pragmatist tradition. As a matter of social analysis, the advent of multiculturalism implies some loss of confidence in our prior conceptions of accommodating ethnic, social, and religious diversity: the conversion of traditional American cultural diversity into a war of political interest groups. This, and the corresponding tendency toward cultural relativism and "anything goes," is fundamentally a product of over-centralization and cultural-political exhaustion in the wake of the (...)
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  14. David Campbell (2008). Identity, Difference, and the Global : William Connolly's International Theory. In David Campbell & Morton Schoolman (eds.), The New Pluralism: William Connolly and the Contemporary Global Condition. Duke University Press. 289.
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  15. David Campbell & Morton Schoolman (eds.) (2008). The New Pluralism: William Connolly and the Contemporary Global Condition. Duke University Press.
    " In this volume, leading thinkers in contemporary political theory and international relations provide a comprehensive investigation of the new pluralism, ...
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  16. John Carvalho (2006). Review of Thomas Docherty, Aesthetic Democracy. [REVIEW] Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews 2006 (11).
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  17. Joshua Cohen (1989). Democratic Equality. Ethics 99 (4):727-751.
  18. Rory J. Conces (2011). Using Public Evocative Objects to Support a Multiethnic Democractic Society in Kosovo (II) Fields of Existence Vs. Fields of Battle. Bosnia Daily:9-10.
  19. Rory J. Conces (2011). Using Public Evocative Objects to Support a Multiethnic Democratic Society in Kosovo (I) Friendly and Enemy Images. Bosnia Daily.
  20. Rory J. Conces (2010). Uloga Hiperintelektualca U Izgradnji Građanskog Društva I Demokratizacije Na Balkanu (The Role of the Hyperintellectual in Civil Society Building and Democratization in the Balklans). Dijalog 1:7-30.
    Riječ “intelektualac” francuskog je porijekla, nastala krajem 19. vijeka. Stvorena tokom afere Dreyfus, uglavnom se odnosi na one mislioce koji su spremni da interveniraju u javnom forumu, čak i ako to znači da sebe izlažu riziku (Le Sueur 2001:2). Teoretičari kao što su Edward Said, Paul Ricoeur, Jean-Paul Sartre i Michael Waltzer dali su doprinos diskusiji o intelektualcima: intelektualca Said vidi kao kritički nastrojenog autsajdera, Ricoeur kao političkog edukatora, Sartre kao čovjeka od akcije, a Waltzer kao brižnog insajdera. Opisati intelektualca (...)
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  21. Gary Dann (1999). Democratic Values Education Revisited—Moral Realism or Pragmatism? Journal of Philosophy of Education 33 (2):187–199.
  22. John Dewey (2007). The Democratic Conception in Education. In Randall R. Curren (ed.), Philosophy of Education: An Anthology. Blackwell Pub..
  23. David Estlund (2005). Democratic Theory. In Frank Jackson & Michael Smith (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Philosophy. Oxford University Press. 208--30.
  24. Arnold L. Farr (2008). Critical Theory and Democratic Vision: Herbert Marcuse and Recent Liberation Philosophies. Lexington Books.
    Liberation philosophy and democratic struggles -- The quest for the revolutionary subject : the early Marcuse -- The retrieval of Eros and the quest for a new sensibility -- Marcuse and the problem of intersubjectivity : beyond drive theory -- One-dimensional society and the demise of dialectical thinking -- Spectres of liberation : beyond one-dimensional man -- Liberal democracy and its limits : the challenge of race, class, gender, and sexual orientation -- Marcuse and discourse ethics -- Liberation and the (...)
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  25. Michaele L. Ferguson (2007). Sharing Without Knowing: Collective Identity in Feminist and Democratic Theory. Hypatia 22 (4):30-45.
    : Many feminist and democratic theorists share the presumption that politics requires a pregiven subject ("women" or "the people") whose identity is grounded in commonality. Drawing on Linda Zerilli's interventions in feminist debates, Ferguson develops an alternative account of collective identity that emerges instead from multiple, overlapping, and discontinuous social practices. This reconceptualization of identity demands a corresponding reconceptualization of democracy, characterized by the ongoing contestation of the very subject ("the people") whose existence it presupposes.
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  26. Maria Paola Ferretti & Enzo Rossi (2013). Pluralism Slippery Slopes and Democratic Public Discourse. Theoria 60 (137):29-47.
    Agonist theorists have argued against deliberative democrats that democratic institutions should not seek to establish a rational consensus, but rather allow political disagreements to be expressed in an adversarial form. But democratic agonism is not antagonism: some restriction of the plurality of admissible expressions is not incompatible with a legitimate public sphere. However, is it generally possible to grant this distinction between antagonism and agonism without accepting normative standards in public discourse that saliently resemble those advocated by (some) deliberative democrats? (...)
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  27. Sandra Field (2012). A Democracy of the Multitude: Spinoza Against Negri. Theoria 59 (131):21-40.
    Negri celebrates a conception of democracy in which the concrete powers of individual humans are not alienated away, but rather are added together: this is a democracy of the multitude. But how can the multitude act without alienating anyone’s power? To answer this difficulty, Negri explicitly appeals to Spinoza. Nonetheless, in this paper, I argue that Spinoza’s philosophy does not support Negri’s project. I argue that the Spinozist multitude avoids internal hierarchy through the mediation of political institutions and not in (...)
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  28. Roberto Frega (2010). What Pragmatism Means by Public Reason. Etica and Politica / Ethics & Politics 12 (1):28-51.
  29. Matthias Fritsch (2008). Antagonism and Democratic Citizenship (Schmitt, Mouffe, Derrida). Research in Phenomenology 38 (2):174-197.
    In the context of the recent proliferation of nationalisms and enemy figures, this paper agrees with the desirability of retaining some of the explanatory and motivational potential of an agonistic account of politics, but gives reasons not to accept too much of Carl Schmitt's account of citizenship. The claim as to the necessarily antagonistic exclusion of concrete others can be supported neither on its own terms nor on Derridian grounds, as Chantal Mouffe, in particular, attempts to do. I then indicate (...)
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  30. Matthias Fritsch (2005). Review of Alex Thomson, Deconstruction and Democracy. [REVIEW] Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews 2005 (12).
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  31. Georg Geismann (1971). The Democratic Legal Order and Politics. Ethics 81 (4):314-325.
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  32. Holly Smith Goldman (1981). Two Concepts of Democracy. In Norman Bowie (ed.), Ethical Issues in Government. Temple University Press.
  33. Robert E. Goodin (2000). Democratic Deliberation Within. Philosophy and Public Affairs 29 (1):81–109.
  34. Carol C. Gould (2006). Global Democratic Transformation and the Internet. Social Philosophy Today 22:73-88.
    This paper begins with two cases pertaining to the internet in an effort to identify some of the difficult normative issues and some of the new directions in using the Internet to facilitate democratic participation, particularly in transnational contexts. Can the Internet be used in ways that advance democracy globally both within nation-states that lack it and in newly transnational ways? Can it contribute to strengthening not only democratic procedures of majority rule, periodic elections, and representation, but also more substantive (...)
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  35. Philip Green & Drucilla Cornell (2005). Rethinking Democratic Theory: The American Case. Journal of Social Philosophy 36 (4):517–535.
  36. Mark Hannam, Is God a Democrat?
    A talk on the relationship between religon (and especially Lutheranism) and politics (and especially democracy).
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  37. Adam Hosein (forthcoming). Democracy, Paternalism, and Campaign Finance. Public Affairs Quarterly.
  38. Vittorio Hösle (2012). Why Does the Environmental Problem Challenge Ethics and Political Philosophy? Journal of Philosophical Research 37 (Supplement):279-292.
    This essay discusses the challenges that the problem of environmental destruction represents for both ethics and political philosophy. It defends universalism as the only ethical theory capable of dealing adequately with the issue, but recognizes three limitations of it: First, its strong anthropocentrism (as in Kant); second, the meta-ethics of rational egoism (Spinoza and Hobbes); and, third, the reduction of ethics to symmetric relations in the mores of modernity. With regard to political philosophy, universalism rejects the idea that consensus is (...)
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  39. Jeff Kochan (2006). Rescuing the Gorgias From Latour. Philosophy of the Social Sciences 36 (4):395-422.
    Bruno Latour has been attempting to transform his sociological account of science into an ambitious theory of democracy. In a key early moment in this project, Latour alleges that Plato’s Gorgias introduces an impossibly ratio-nalistic and deeply anti-democratic philosophy which continues to this day to distort our understandings of science and democracy. Latour reckons that if he can successfully refute the Gorgias , then he will have opened up a space in which to authorize his own theory of democracy. I (...)
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  40. Jeff Kochan (2004). Technological Democracy or Democratic Technology? Studies in History and Philosophy of Science 35 (2):401-412.
  41. Christian List & John Dryzek (2003). Social Choice Theory and Deliberative Democracy: A Reconciliation. British Journal of Political Science 33 (1):1-28.
    The two most influential traditions of contemporary theorizing about democracy, social choice theory and deliberative democracy, are generally thought to be at loggerheads, in that the former demonstrates the impossibility, instability or meaninglessness of the rational collective outcomes sought by the latter. We argue that the two traditions can be reconciled. After expounding the central Arrow and Gibbard-Satterthwaite impossibility results, we reassess their implications, identifying the conditions under which meaningful democratic decision making is possible. We argue that deliberation can promote (...)
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  42. Christian List & Mathias Koenig-Archibugi (2010). Can There Be a Global Demos? An Agency-Based Approach. Philosophy and Public Affairs 38 (1):76-110.
    Can there be a global demos? The current debate about this topic is divided between two opposing camps: the “pessimist” or “impossibilist” camp, which holds that the emergence of a global demos is either conceptually or empirically impossible, and the “optimist” or “possibilist” camp, which holds that the emergence of a global demos is conceptually as well as empirically possible and an embryonic version of it already exists. However, the two camps agree neither on a common working definition of a (...)
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  43. María G. Navarro (2009). Review of 'Democracia Feminista' by Alicia Miyares. [REVIEW] Isegoría 38:213-217.
    Tenemos aquí un claro ejemplo de dos lecturas en las que se aquilata la pertenencia de la investigación feminista al lema que reza theoria cum praxi. Divisa esta que encierra una problemática que ha sido leída de muy diversos modos en la historia de la filosofía, y sobre cuya dilemática relación también en la historia del feminismo se han apuntado claves esenciales.
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  44. Fabienne Peter (2008). Democratic Legitimacy. Routledge.
    This book offers a systematic treatment of the requirements of democratic legitimacy. It argues that democratic procedures are essential for political legitimacy because of the need to respect value pluralism and because of the learning process that democratic decision-making enables. It proposes a framework for distinguishing among the different ways in which the requirements of democratic legitimacy have been interpreted. Peter then uses this framework to identify and defend what appears as the most plausible conception of democratic legitimacy. According to (...)
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  45. Fabienne Peter (2008). Pure Epistemic Proceduralism. Episteme 5 (1):pp. 33-55.
    In this paper I defend a pure proceduralist conception of legitimacy that applies to epistemic democracy. This conception, which I call pure epistemic proceduralism, does not depend on procedure-independent standards for good outcomes and relies on a proceduralist epistemology. It identifies a democratic decision as legitimate if it is the outcome of a process that satisfies certain conditions of political and epistemic fairness. My argument starts with a rejection of instrumentalism – the view that political equality is only instrumentally valuable. (...)
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  46. Ricardo Restrepo, Maria Helena Carbonell, Paúl Cisneros, Miguel Ruiz, John Antón, Antonio Salamanca & Natally Soria (eds.) (forthcoming). Pugna de poderes, crisis orgánica e independencia judicial. IAEN.
    This work, in English "Struggle for power, organic crisis and judicial independence", has its origin in research academics of the IAEN carried out to provide expert advise to the Inter American Court of Human Rights in the case Quintana and others (Supreme Court of Justice) vs the State of Ecuador. The research is about the nature of the evolution of the ecuadorian state, the dynamics of its institutions, its players, parties, laws, its factors of instability, the way rights have been (...)
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  47. Marvin Schiller (1969). On the Logic of Being a Democrat. Philosophy 44 (167):46 - 56.
  48. Marion Smiley (1989). Paternalism and Democracy. Journal of Value Inquiry 23 (4):299-318.
    This essay argues that Dworkin, Feinberg and others who claim exceptions against the principle of paternalism for the sake of preventing seroius physical harm are forced to treat mature adults as mental incompetents and that they are forced to do so by the prevailing concept of paternalism itself. The essay then shows how we can get around this dilemma by re-thinking paternalism as part of distinctly paternal relationships of domination and inequality.
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  49. Marco Solinas (2009). Review of Hauke Brunkhorst, Habermas. [REVIEW] Iride (56):253-254.
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  50. Ericka Tucker (2013). Community Radio in Political Theory and Development Practice. Journal of Development and Communication Studies 2 (2-3):392 - 420.
    While to political theorists in the United States ‘community radio’ may seem a quaint holdover of the democratization movements of the 1960s, community radio has been an important tool in development contexts for decades. In this paper I investigate how community radio is conceptualized within and outside of the development frame, as a solution to development problems, as part of development projects communication strategy, and as a tool for increasing democratic political participation in development projects. I want to show that (...)
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