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  1. S. A. (2002). Democratic Legitimacy and the 2000 Election. Law and Philosophy 21 (2):197-220.
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  2. Arash Abizadeh (2005). Democratic Elections Without Campaigns? Normative Foundations of National Baha'i Elections. World Order 37 (1):7-49.
    National Baha’i elections, conducted world-wide without nominations, competitive campaigns, or parties, challenge the emerging consensus that the only truly democratic elections are multiparty elections in which each party’s candidates compete freely for votes. National Baha’i electoral institutions are based on three core values: respect for the inherent dignity of each person, the unity and solidarity of persons collectively, and the justice and fairness of institutions. While liberal political philosophy interprets respect for dignity exclusively in terms of equality and freedom, the (...)
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  3. C. Fred Alford (1985). III. Yates on Feyerabend's Democratic Relativism. Inquiry 28 (1-4):113 – 118.
    Stephen Yates's objections to Feyerabend's political theory (Inquiry 27 [1984], 137?42) are presented in a way that makes them unnecessarily vulnerable to a rhetorical strategy often employed by Feyerabend. Like many other critics, Yates seems to assume that it is the implausibility of Feyerabend's claims that opens them to refutation, whereas it is really this that makes them such slippery targets of criticism. Rather than claim that Feyerabend's ideal would be virtually impossible to realize, I argue that Feyerabend does not (...)
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  4. Andrew Arato (2001). Congressional or (Weak) Presidential Government: The Results of the Election Crisis of 2000. Constellations 8 (3):289-303.
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  5. Gustaf Arrhenius, Defining Democratic Decision Making.
    In his Populist Democracy: A Defence (1993), Torbjörn Tännsjö suggests, roughly, the following necessary and sufficient conditions for a democratic collective choice: If the majority of a given group of voters prefer A to B, then the collective choice is A rather than B; and if the majority of voters had preferred B to A, then the collective choice would have been B rather than A. Moreover, the preference of a voter is equated with the one she is showing by (...)
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  6. Raja Bahlul (2004). Democracy Without Secularism? In John Bunzl (ed.), Islam, Judaism, and the Political Role of Religions in the Middle East. University of Florida Press 99-118.
    The object of this paper is to present and discuss the way democracy is conceived of by some prominent Islamic thinkers. Their position is that democracy, rightly understood, is simply a method of dispensing, sharing, and managing political authority, and as such does not imply secularism or other values and practices that are associated with liberalism. This paper is conceived of within a broader project to theorize the relations (actual and possible) between Islam, democracy, and modernity.
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  7. N. C. Bhattacharyya (1968). John Dewey's Instrumentalism, Democratic Ideal and Education. Educational Theory 18 (1):60-72.
  8. Hans Theodorus Blokland (2011). Pluralism, Democracy and Political Knowledge: Robert a Dahl and His Critics on Modern Politics. Ashgate.
    Taking his work as the point of reference, this book not only provides an illuminating history of political science, told via Dahl and his critics, it also ...
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  9. Patricia Boling (1991). The Democratic Potential of Mothering. Political Theory 19 (4):606-625.
  10. Corey Brettschneider (2007). Democratic Rights: The Substance of Self-Government. Princeton University Press.
    When the Supreme Court in 2003 struck down a Texas law prohibiting homosexual sodomy, it cited the right to privacy based on the guarantee of "substantive due process" embodied by the Constitution. But did the court act undemocratically by overriding the rights of the majority of voters in Texas? Scholars often point to such cases as exposing a fundamental tension between the democratic principle of majority rule and the liberal concern to protect individual rights. Democratic Rights challenges this view by (...)
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  11. Corey Brettschneider (2006). The Value Theory of Democracy. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 5 (3):259-278.
    Liberal political theorists often argue that justice requires limits on policy outcomes, limits delineated by substantive rights. Distinct from this project is a body of literature dedicated to elaborating on the meaning of democracy in procedural terms. In this article, I offer an alternative to the traditional divide between procedural theories of democracy and substantive theories of justice; I call this the ‘value theory of democracy’. I argue that the democratic ideal is fundamentally about a core set of values (political (...)
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  12. Thom Brooks (2006). Ian Shapiro, The State of Democratic Theory:The State of Democratic Theory. Ethics 116 (2):442-444.
    Book review of Ian Shapiro - "The State of Democratic Theory".
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  13. Matthew J. Brown (2013). The Democratic Control of the Scientific Control of Politics. In Vassilios Karakostas & Dennis Dieks (eds.), Epsa11 Perspectives and Foundational Problems in Philosophy of Science. Springer 479--491.
    I discuss two popular but apparently contradictory theses: -/- T1. The democratic control of science – the aims and activities of science should be subject to public scrutiny via democratic processes of representation and participation. T2. The scientific control of policy, i.e. technocracy – political processes should be problem-solving pursuits determined by the methods and results of science and technology. Many arguments can be given for (T1), both epistemic and moral/political; I will focus on an argument based on the role (...)
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  14. W. Jethro Brown (1904). The True Democratic Ideal. International Journal of Ethics 14 (2):137-150.
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  15. H. G. Callaway (2000). Pragmatic Pluralism and American Democracy. In R. Tapp (ed.), Multiculturalism: Humanist Perspectives.
    This paper approaches "multiculturalism" obliquely via conceptions of social and political pluralism in the pragmatist tradition. As a matter of social analysis, the advent of multiculturalism implies some loss of confidence in our prior conceptions of accommodating ethnic, social, and religious diversity: the conversion of traditional American cultural diversity into a war of political interest groups. This, and the corresponding tendency toward cultural relativism and "anything goes," is fundamentally a product of over-centralization and cultural-political exhaustion in the wake of the (...)
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  16. David Campbell (2008). Identity, Difference, and the Global : William Connolly's International Theory. In David Campbell & Morton Schoolman (eds.), The New Pluralism: William Connolly and the Contemporary Global Condition. Duke University Press 289.
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  17. David Campbell & Morton Schoolman (eds.) (2008). The New Pluralism: William Connolly and the Contemporary Global Condition. Duke University Press.
    " In this volume, leading thinkers in contemporary political theory and international relations provide a comprehensive investigation of the new pluralism, ...
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  18. John Carvalho (2006). Review of Thomas Docherty, Aesthetic Democracy. [REVIEW] Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews 2006 (11).
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  19. Joshua Cohen (1989). Democratic Equality. Ethics 99 (4):727-751.
  20. Rory J. Conces (2011). Using Public Evocative Objects to Support a Multiethnic Democractic Society in Kosovo (II) Fields of Existence Vs. Fields of Battle. Bosnia Daily:9-10.
  21. Rory J. Conces (2011). Using Public Evocative Objects to Support a Multiethnic Democratic Society in Kosovo (I) Friendly and Enemy Images. Bosnia Daily.
  22. Rory J. Conces (2010). Uloga Hiperintelektualca U Izgradnji Građanskog Društva I Demokratizacije Na Balkanu (The Role of the Hyperintellectual in Civil Society Building and Democratization in the Balklans). Dijalog 1:7-30.
    Riječ “intelektualac” francuskog je porijekla, nastala krajem 19. vijeka. Stvorena tokom afere Dreyfus, uglavnom se odnosi na one mislioce koji su spremni da interveniraju u javnom forumu, čak i ako to znači da sebe izlažu riziku (Le Sueur 2001:2). Teoretičari kao što su Edward Said, Paul Ricoeur, Jean-Paul Sartre i Michael Waltzer dali su doprinos diskusiji o intelektualcima: intelektualca Said vidi kao kritički nastrojenog autsajdera, Ricoeur kao političkog edukatora, Sartre kao čovjeka od akcije, a Waltzer kao brižnog insajdera. Opisati intelektualca (...)
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  23. Gary Dann (1999). Democratic Values Education Revisited—Moral Realism or Pragmatism? Journal of Philosophy of Education 33 (2):187–199.
  24. Marc-Kevin Daoust (2016). Pourquoi délibérer ? Du potentiel épistémique à la justification publique. Philosophiques 43 (1):23-48.
    Cet article a deux objectifs. Le premier est de montrer pourquoi l’argument instrumental en faveur de la démocratie est insuffisant pour justifier la délibération politique. Si notre but est l’optimisation du potentiel épistémique d’un régime politique, et que des approches agrégatives et inférentielles (sans délibération) atteignent cet objectif, alors nous ne pouvons plus justifier la délibération sur cette base. Ce problème peut être contourné en reprenant une distinction de Daniel Andler. Pour ce dernier, le groupe délibératif se distingue du groupe (...)
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  25. Nythamar de Oliveira (2004). Globalization and Democratization in Brazil: An Interpretation of Rawls's Political Liberalism. Civitas 4 (1):39-55.
  26. Dan Demetriou (2015). Civic Immortality: The Problem of Civic Honor in Africa and the West. Journal of Ethics 19 (3-4):257-276.
    From Thomas Hobbes to Steven Pinker, it is often remarked that cultures of honor are destabilizing and especially dangerous to liberal institutions. This essay sharpens that criticism into two objections: one saying honor cultures encourage tyranny, and another accusing them of undermining rule of law. Since these concerns manifest differently in established as opposed to fledgling liberal democracies, I appeal to Western and African examples both to motivate and allay these worries. I contend that a culture of civic honor is (...)
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  27. John Dewey (2007). The Democratic Conception in Education. In Randall R. Curren (ed.), Philosophy of Education: An Anthology. Blackwell Pub.
  28. David Estlund (2005). Democratic Theory. In Frank Jackson & Michael Smith (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Philosophy. Oxford University Press 208--30.
  29. Arnold L. Farr (2008). Critical Theory and Democratic Vision: Herbert Marcuse and Recent Liberation Philosophies. Lexington Books.
    Liberation philosophy and democratic struggles -- The quest for the revolutionary subject : the early Marcuse -- The retrieval of Eros and the quest for a new sensibility -- Marcuse and the problem of intersubjectivity : beyond drive theory -- One-dimensional society and the demise of dialectical thinking -- Spectres of liberation : beyond one-dimensional man -- Liberal democracy and its limits : the challenge of race, class, gender, and sexual orientation -- Marcuse and discourse ethics -- Liberation and the (...)
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  30. Michaele L. Ferguson (2007). Sharing Without Knowing: Collective Identity in Feminist and Democratic Theory. Hypatia 22 (4):30-45.
    : Many feminist and democratic theorists share the presumption that politics requires a pregiven subject ("women" or "the people") whose identity is grounded in commonality. Drawing on Linda Zerilli's interventions in feminist debates, Ferguson develops an alternative account of collective identity that emerges instead from multiple, overlapping, and discontinuous social practices. This reconceptualization of identity demands a corresponding reconceptualization of democracy, characterized by the ongoing contestation of the very subject ("the people") whose existence it presupposes.
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  31. Maria Paola Ferretti & Enzo Rossi (2013). Pluralism Slippery Slopes and Democratic Public Discourse. Theoria 60 (137):29-47.
    Agonist theorists have argued against deliberative democrats that democratic institutions should not seek to establish a rational consensus, but rather allow political disagreements to be expressed in an adversarial form. But democratic agonism is not antagonism: some restriction of the plurality of admissible expressions is not incompatible with a legitimate public sphere. However, is it generally possible to grant this distinction between antagonism and agonism without accepting normative standards in public discourse that saliently resemble those advocated by (some) deliberative democrats? (...)
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  32. Sandra Field (2012). A Democracy of the Multitude: Spinoza Against Negri. Theoria 59 (131):21-40.
    Negri celebrates a conception of democracy in which the concrete powers of individual humans are not alienated away, but rather are added together: this is a democracy of the multitude. But how can the multitude act without alienating anyone’s power? To answer this difficulty, Negri explicitly appeals to Spinoza. Nonetheless, in this paper, I argue that Spinoza’s philosophy does not support Negri’s project. I argue that the Spinozist multitude avoids internal hierarchy through the mediation of political institutions and not in (...)
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  33. Roberto Frega (2010). What Pragmatism Means by Public Reason. Etica and Politica / Ethics & Politics 12 (1):28-51.
    In this article I examine the main conceptions of public reason in contemporary political philosophy in order to set the frame for appreciating the novelty of the pragmatist understanding of public reason as based upon the notion of consequences and upon a theory of rationality as inquiry. The approach is inspired by Dewey but is free from any concern with history of philosophy. The aim is to propose a different understanding of the nature of public reason aimed at overcoming the (...)
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  34. Matthias Fritsch (2008). Antagonism and Democratic Citizenship (Schmitt, Mouffe, Derrida). Research in Phenomenology 38 (2):174-197.
    In the context of the recent proliferation of nationalisms and enemy figures, this paper agrees with the desirability of retaining some of the explanatory and motivational potential of an agonistic account of politics, but gives reasons not to accept too much of Carl Schmitt's account of citizenship. The claim as to the necessarily antagonistic exclusion of concrete others can be supported neither on its own terms nor on Derridian grounds, as Chantal Mouffe, in particular, attempts to do. I then indicate (...)
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  35. Matthias Fritsch (2005). Review of Alex Thomson, Deconstruction and Democracy. [REVIEW] Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews 2005 (12).
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  36. Michael Fuerstein (forthcoming). Democratic Experiments: An Affect-Based Interpretation and Defense. Social Theory and Practice 42.
    I offer an interpretation and defense of John Dewey's notion of "democratic experiments," which involve testing moral beliefs through the experience of acting on them on a social scale. Such testing is crucial, I argue, because our social norms and institutions fundamentally shape the relationships through which we develop emotional responses that represent the morally significant concerns of others. Improving those responses therefore depends on deliberate alterations of our social environment. I consider deliberative and activist alternatives and argue that an (...)
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  37. Dustin Garlitz (2014). Ideologies. In Sherwood Thompson (ed.), Encyclopedia of Diversity and Social Justice. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers
  38. Georg Geismann (1971). The Democratic Legal Order and Politics. Ethics 81 (4):314-325.
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  39. Ludovico Geymonat (1945). Comunismo e democrazia. l'Unità (28 ottobre 1945).
  40. Holly Smith Goldman (1981). Two Concepts of Democracy. In Norman Bowie (ed.), Ethical Issues in Government. Temple University Press
  41. Robert E. Goodin (2000). Democratic Deliberation Within. Philosophy and Public Affairs 29 (1):81–109.
  42. Carol C. Gould (2006). Global Democratic Transformation and the Internet. Social Philosophy Today 22:73-88.
    This paper begins with two cases pertaining to the internet in an effort to identify some of the difficult normative issues and some of the new directions in using the Internet to facilitate democratic participation, particularly in transnational contexts. Can the Internet be used in ways that advance democracy globally both within nation-states that lack it and in newly transnational ways? Can it contribute to strengthening not only democratic procedures of majority rule, periodic elections, and representation, but also more substantive (...)
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  43. Philip Green & Drucilla Cornell (2005). Rethinking Democratic Theory: The American Case. Journal of Social Philosophy 36 (4):517–535.
  44. Alexander A. Guerrero (2014). Against Elections: The Lottocratic Alternative. Philosophy and Public Affairs 42 (2):135-178.
  45. Fuat Gursozlu (2015). Democracy and the Square: Recognizing the Democratic Value of the Recent Public Sphere Movements. Essays in Philosophy 16 (1):26-42.
    The paper considers the democratic value of the recent public sphere movements—from Occupy Wall Street to Taksim Gezi Park, from Tahrir Square to Sofia. It argues that the mainstream models of democracy fail to grasp the significance of these movements and the emergent political forms within these movements due to their narrow account of politics and democracy. To fully grasp the democratic value of recent public sphere movements, we should approach them from an agonistic perspective. Once democratic politics is viewed (...)
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  46. Fuat Gürsözlü (2009). Agonism and Deliberation— Recognizing the Difference. Journal of Political Philosophy 17 (3):356-368.
  47. Mark Hannam, Is God a Democrat?
    A talk on the relationship between religon (and especially Lutheranism) and politics (and especially democracy).
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  48. Brendan Hogan (forthcoming). Power, Pragmatism and the Situation of Democracy. Journal of Speculative Philosophy 30 (1).
  49. Brendan Hogan (2015). Antonio Gramsci: A Humanist Reconstruction of Marxism. In J. Ward Regan (ed.), Great Books Written in Prison: Essays on Classic Works from Plato to Martin Luther King, Jr. MacFarland & Co. Inc
  50. Brendan Hogan (2015). Pragmatic Hegemony: Questions and Convergence. Journal of Speculative Philosophy 29 (1):107-117.
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