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  1. Against Consensus as an Epistemology.Paul Mayer - manuscript
    In this paper, I wish to criticize the notion that consensus is an epistemology. While I have never seen it explicitly claimed that “consensus is an epistemology,” I have nonetheless seen it implied in many scholarly (and layperson) articles. This occurs whenever articles cite, “a majority of scholars agree that…” or “most scientists/researchers think…” In our democratic, individualistic society, we put a value on high value votes and the quantification of majority viewpoints, whether it be in political polls (due to (...)
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  2. The EU's Democratic Deficit in a Realist Key: Multilateral Governance, Popular Sovereignty, and Critical Responsiveness.Jan Pieter Beetz & Enzo Rossi - forthcoming - Transnational Legal Theory.
    This paper provides a realist analysis of the EU's legitimacy. We propose a modification of Bernard Williams' theory of legitimacy, which we term critical responsiveness. For Williams, 'Basic Legitimation Demand + Modernity = Liberalism'. Drawing on that model, we make three claims. (i) The right side of the equation is insufficiently sensitive to popular sovereignty; (ii) The left side of the equation is best thought of as a 'legitimation story': a non-moralised normative account of how to shore up belief in (...)
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  3. Liberal Arts and the Failures of Liberalism.James Dominic Rooney - forthcoming - In James Dominic Rooney & Patrick Zoll (eds.), Freedom and the Good: Beyond Classical Liberalism. Routledge.
    Public reason liberalism is the political theory which holds that coercive laws and policies are justified when and only when they are grounded in reasons of the public. The standard interpretation of public reason liberalism, consensus accounts, claim that the reasons persons share or that persons can derive from shared values determine which policies can be justified. In this paper, I argue that consensus approaches cannot justify fair educational policies and preserving cultural goods. Consensus approaches can resolve some controversies about (...)
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  4. A More Liberal Public Reason Liberalism.Roberto Fumagalli - 2023 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 10 (2):337-366.
    In recent years, leading public reason liberals have argued that publicly justifying coercive laws and policies requires that citizens offer both adequate secular justificatory reasons and adequate secular motivating reasons for these laws and policies. In this paper, I provide a critical assessment of these two requirements and argue for two main claims concerning such requirements. First, only some qualified versions of the requirement that citizens offer adequate secular justificatory reasons for coercive laws and policies may be justifiably regarded as (...)
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  5. Can theorizing the symbiosis between a dictator and suicide attackers make sense?Quan-Hoang Vuong - 2022 - OSF Preprints.
    The thought presented in this short piece is purely hypothetical, or a guess, if you like to put it that way. However, the nature of the mindsponge process will lead to the possibility of bringing our BMF analytics's power into further investigation later on.
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  6. Ideální konsenzus, reálná diverzita a výzva veřejného ospravedlnění: k limitům idealizace v liberální politické teorii [Ideal Consensus, Real Diversity, and the Challenge of Public Justification: On the Limits of Idealisation in Liberal Political Theory].Matouš Mencl & Pavel Dufek - 2021 - Acta Politologica 2 (13):49–70.
    The paper deals with the methodological clash between idealism and anti-idealism in political philosophy, and highlights its importance for public reason (PR) and public justification (PJ) theorising. Upon reviewing the broader context which harks back to Rawls’s notion of a realistic utopia, we focus on two major recent contributions to the debate in the work of David Estlund (the prototypical utopian) and Gerald Gaus (the cautious anti-utopian). While Estlund presents a powerful case on behalf of ideal theorising, claiming that motivational (...)
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  7. Incoherent but Reasonable: A Defense of Truth-Abstinence in Political Liberalism.Wes Siscoe & Alexander Schaefer - 2020 - Social Theory and Practice 46 (3):573-603.
    A strength of liberal political institutions is their ability to accommodate pluralism, both allowing divergent comprehensive doctrines as well as constructing the common ground necessary for diverse people to live together. A pressing question is how far such pluralism extends. Which comprehensive doctrines are simply beyond the pale and need not be accommodated by a political consensus? Rawls attempted to keep the boundaries of reasonable disagreement quite broad by infamously denying that political liberalism need make reference to the concept of (...)
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  8. Democracias. Participación, deliberación y movimientos sociales.Donatella Della Porta - 2018 - Buenos Aires, CABA, Argentina: Prometeo Libros. Translated by Facundo Bey.
    Existe una impresionante paradoja en la era contemporánea: de África a Europa del Este, de Asia a América Latina, cada vez más naciones adhieren a la idea de la democracia; pero lo hacen justo en el momento en que la eficacia misma de la democracia como forma de organización a nivel nacional es puesta en tela de juicio de manera manifiesta. Mientras que importantes áreas de la actividad humana son organizadas progresivamente a nivel (macro) regional o global, el destino de (...)
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  9. Politische Autorität: Eine Einführung.Fabian Wendt - 2018 - Münster: Mentis.
    Staaten beanspruchen für sich das Recht, Gesetze geben und mit Zwangsgewalt durchsetzen zu dürfen. Doch unter welchen Bedingungen haben sie dieses Recht tatsächlich? -/- Das ist die grundlegendste Frage der Politischen Philosophie. Obwohl wir die Autoritätsansprüche des Staates oft als selbstverständlich hinnehmen, erscheinen sie moralisch durchaus fragwürdig, wenn man Personen als frei und gleich begreift. Wie können wenige Parlamentsmitglieder das Recht haben, für Millionen Menschen verbindliche Gesetze zu erlassen? Wie können Polizeibeamte und Richter das Recht haben, diese Gesetze gegenüber Personen (...)
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  10. The Future of Nietzsche's Perspectivism as Political Consensus.Jan Gresil Kahambing - 2017 - Recoletos Multidisciplinary Research Journal 5 (2):58-74.
    In this paper, I delve on Nietzsche’s concept of perspectivism and how it becomes relevant amid contemporary society’s openness to relative standpoints. The foremost era that reflects this description points to postmodernism as a politics of difference. Nietzsche’s perspectivism is generally a critique of the conditions that absolutize truth. While this may seem a valiant opening for a welcoming era on an epistemological standpoint, it does not however do away with its own paradoxes. I contend whether this fits well with (...)
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  11. Self-Determination, Dissent, and the Problem of Population Transfers.Matthew Lister - 2016 - In Fernando R. Tesón (ed.), The Theory of Self-Determination. Cambridge University Press. pp. 145-165.
    Many of the major self-determination movements of the 20th and early 21st Centuries did not go smoothly, but resulted in forced or semi-forced transfers of groups of people from one country to another. Forced population transfers are not, of course, supported by major theorists of self-determination and secession. However, the problems that make population transfers extremely common in actual cases of self-determination and secession, are not squarely faced in many theories of self-determination. And, I shall argue, certain leading theories of (...)
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  12. Three Criteria for Consensus Conferences.Jacob Stegenga - 2016 - Foundations of Science 21 (1):35-49.
    Consensus conferences are social techniques which involve bringing together a group of scientific experts, and sometimes also non-experts, in order to increase the public role in science and related policy, to amalgamate diverse and often contradictory evidence for a hypothesis of interest, and to achieve scientific consensus or at least the appearance of consensus among scientists. For consensus conferences that set out to amalgamate evidence, I propose three desiderata: Inclusivity, Constraint, and Evidential Complexity. Two examples suggest that consensus conferences can (...)
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  13. Disagreement and Authority: comparing ecclesial and scientific practices.Louis Caruana - 2015 - In A. J. Carroll, M. Kerkwijk, M. Kirwan & J. Sweeney (eds.), Towards a Kenotic Vision of Authority in the Catholic Church. Washington: The Council for Research in Values and Philosophy. pp. 91-102.
    In recent years, disagreement as a philosophical topic has started to attract considerable attention, giving rise to rich debates not only on the logical nature of disagreement but also on specifically political and religious forms of it. Moreover, in some recent documents of the Catholic Church, we see corresponding attempts at understanding religious pluralism, dialogue among religions, and doctrinal tensions that sometimes arise within various parts of the Church itself. In such debates, many assume that the realm of the humanities (...)
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  14. Authority and the Struggle for Recognition.Eleonora Piromalli - 2015 - International Journal of Philosophical Studies 23 (2):205-222.
    In this essay I examine authority from the viewpoint of the paradigm of recognition: this theoretical framework, as I wish to demonstrate, is particularly suitable for both a clear definition and a consistent practical-normative analysis of authority. In section I propose a definition of authority which, resting on the normative meaning intrinsic to the concept of recognition, allows to systematically differentiate between legitimate and illegitimate forms of authority. After delineating the characteristics of a legitimate political authority, I focus on authority (...)
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  15. The Philosopher King : An Indian Point of View.Desh Raj Sirswal - 2015 - Sucharitha: A Journal of Philosophy and Religion 3 (01):12-19.
    The celebrated Greek philosopher Plato had dreamed of a philosopher-king to rule his ideal state. Keeping in socratarian tradition Aristotle said in similar way "it is better for a city to be governed by a good man than even by good laws ". According to Plato, “The philosopher is he who has in his mind the perfect pattern of justice, beauty, truth; his is the knowledge of the eternal; he contemplates all time and all existence; no praises are too high (...)
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  16. Experts and Consensus in Social Science.Marcel Boumans & Carlo Martini (eds.) - 2014 - Cham: Imprint: Springer.
    This book brings together the research of philosophers and social scientists. It examines those areas of scientific practice where reliance on the subjective judgment of experts and practitioners is the main source of useful knowledge to address, and, possibly, bring solutions to social problems. A common phenomenon in applications of science is that objective evidence does not point to a single answer, or solution, to a problem. Reliance on subjective judgment, then, becomes necessary, despite the known fact that hunches, even (...)
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  17. Maquiavel e Weber: a lógica do poder e a ética da ação – O “príncipe-centauro” e o “homem autêntico”.Luiz Carlos Mariano da Rosa - 2013 - Opsis – Revista da Unidade Acadêmica Especial História E Ciências Sociais 13 (1):180-199.
    Sobrepondo-se ao ideal que se impõe à teoria política que circunscreve a sua atividade à busca do bem comum e se detém, por essa razão, na investigação dos princípios capazes de viabilizar a instauração do bom governo, a perspectiva de Maquiavel, através do fundamento da experiência e das exemplificações da historialidade, converge para a descoberta de leis que possibilitem a fundação de um Estado, a obtenção do poder e a sua conservação, a instituição da ciência empírica da política, que, caracterizada (...)
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  18. Consensus, Compromise, Justice and Legitimacy.Enzo Rossi - 2013 - Critical Review of Social and International Political Philosophy 16 (4):557-572.
    Could the notion of compromise help us overcoming – or at least negotiating – the frequent tension, in normative political theory, between the realistic desideratum of peaceful coexistence and the idealistic desideratum of justice? That is to say, an analysis of compromise may help us moving beyond the contrast between two widespread contrasting attitudes in contemporary political philosophy: ‘fiat iustitia, pereat mundus’ on the one side, ‘salus populi suprema lex’ on the other side. More specifically, compromise may provide the backbone (...)
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  19. Post-Anarchism: A Reader. [REVIEW]Joshua Finnell - 2012 - Journal for the Study of Radicalism 6 (1).
  20. The Respect Fallacy: Limits of Respect in Public Dialogue.Italo Testa - 2012 - In Christian Kock & Lisa Villadsen (ed.), Rhetorical Citizenship and Public Deliberation (pp. 77-92). Pennsylvania State University Press.
    Deliberative politics should start from an adequate and differentiated image of our dialogical practices and their normative structures; the ideals that we eventually propose for deliberative politics should be tested against this background. In this article I will argue that equal respect, understood as respect a priori conferred on persons, is not and should not be counted as a constitutive normative ground of public discourse. Furthermore, requiring such respect, even if it might facilitate dialogue, could have negative effects and lead (...)
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  21. Modus Vivendi, Consensus, and (Realist) Liberal Legitimacy.Enzo Rossi - 2010 - Public Reason 2 (2):21-39.
    A polity is grounded in a modus vivendi (MV) when its main features can be presented as the outcome of a virtually unrestricted bargaining process. Is MV compatible with the consensus-based account of liberal legitimacy, i.e. the view that political authority is well grounded only if the citizenry have in some sense freely consented to its exercise? I show that the attraction of MV for consensus theorists lies mainly in the thought that a MV can be presented as legitimated through (...)
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  22. Kilka uwag o koncepcji prezydentury rotacyjnej w państwie afrykańskim.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2010 - Afryka 31 (32):29-44.
    Krzysztof Trzciński, ‘Some Remarks on the Idea of Rotational Presidency in an African State.’ The article has been published in “Afryka” 31-32, 2010, pp. 29-44. The main aim of this article is to explain and analyze in a critical way the concept of the rotational presidency, proposed for a multiethnic African state by a Ghanaian philosopher Kwame Gyekye. In his opinion, the presidency in an African state should be rotated between all ethnic groups. According to Gyekye, this system would allow (...)
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  23. Wizja państwa pozapartyjnego w myśli Kwasi Wiredu, czyli o utopii zrodzonej z doświadczeń rzeczywistości.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2009 - In A. Żukowski (ed.), Ugrupowania polityczne i ruchy społeczne w Afryce. Olsztyn: pp. 43-71.
    Wywodzący się z Ghany, a tworzący w Stanach Zjednoczonych Kwasi Wiredu należy do grona najwybitniejszych współczesnych filozofów afrykańskich. W swych rozprawach politycznych obnaża wady demokracji liberalnej i postuluje, by demokracja w Afryce była budowana w oparciu o rodzime tradycje polityczne, które mają, w jego opinii, charakter demokratyczny. Wiredu negatywnie ocenia kondycję współczesnych demokracji liberalnych przede wszystkim z powodu charakteryzującej je dalece antagonistycznej praktyki uprawiania polityki, która kontrastuje z typową dla niektórych społeczeństw afrykańskich tradycją koncyliacyjną. Ghański filozof optuje za wykorzystaniem w (...)
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  24. A Right of Rebellion in the Mengzi?Justin Tiwald - 2008 - Dao: A Journal of Comparative Philosophy 7 (3):269-282.
    Mengzi believed that tyrannical rulers can be justifiably deposed, and many contemporary scholars see this as evidence that that Mengzi endorsed a right of popular rebellion. I argue that the text of the Mengzi reveals a more mixed view, and does so in two respects. First, it suggests that the people are sometimes permitted to participate in a rebellion but not permitted to decide for themselves when rebellion is warranted. Second, it gives appropriate moral weight not to the people’s judgments (...)
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  25. Should the State Fund Religious Schools?Michael S. Merry - 2007 - Journal of Applied Philosophy 24 (3):255-270.
    In this article, I make a philosophical case for the state to fund religious schools. Ultimately, I shall argue that the state has an obligation to fund and provide oversight of all schools irrespective of their religious or non-religious character. The education of children is in the public interest and therefore the state must assume its responsibility to its future citizens to ensure that they receive a quality education. Still, while both religious schools and the polity have much to be (...)
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  26. Construing Disagreement.Gary Shiffman - 2002 - Political Theory 30 (2):175-203.
    The danger of disturbing the public tranquillity by interesting too strongly the public passions is a still more serious objection against a frequent reference of constitutional questions to the decision of the whole society. —James Madison, Federalist 49At a time like this, scorching irony, not convincing argument, is needed.—Frederick Douglass, “What to the Slave is the 4th of July?”.
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  27. A response to my "critics".Linda Nicholson - 2001 - Hypatia 16 (2):86-90.
    : Abstract: This essay is a response to comments made by Shane Phelan, Cheshire Calhoun, and Naomi Scheman on my book The Play of Reason: From the Modern to the Postmodern (1999). I reiterate my belief that we best approach the issue of consensus and dissension in second-order justifications of social and political claims not philosophically but sociologically, politically, historically. I suggest similar approaches for dealing with the question of meaning. This move signals an endorsement not of indifference but rather (...)
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  28. Democratic procedures and liberal consensus by George Klosko oxford university press, 2000, £27.50.David Archard - 2000 - Philosophy 75 (4):613-626.
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  29. Commentary: A Consensus About "Consensus"?Mark P. Aulisio & Robert M. Arnold - 1999 - Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 27 (4):328-331.
    In “Bioethics and the Whole: Pluralism, Consensus, and the Transmutation of Bioethical Methods into Gold,” Patricia Martin identifies themes common to three emerging approaches to clinical bioethics--clinical pragmatism, ethics facilitation, and mediation-in order to develop an “ethical consensus method” that can serve as a “practical, step-by-step guide” for decision making She is to be applauded both for her identification of themes common to these three approaches and for her contribution to what we hope will be a growing literature on practical (...)
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  30. The Consensual Basis of Conflictual Power: A Critical Response to “Using Power, Fighting Power” by Jane Mansbridge.Mark Haugaard - 1997 - Constellations 3 (3):401-406.
  31. Communication, Criticism, and the Postmodern Consensus.James Johnson - 1997 - Political Theory 25 (4):559-583.
    A critique is not a matter of saying that things are not right as they are. It is a matter of pointing out on what kinds of assumptions, what kinds of familiar, unchallenged, unconsidered modes of thought, the practices that we accept rest.... Criticism is a matter of flushing out that thought and trying to change it: to show that things are not as self-evident as one believed, to see that what is accepted as self-evident will no longer be accepted (...)
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  32. Pluralism: against the demand for consensus.Nicholas Rescher - 1993 - New York: Oxford University Press.
    Nicholas Rescher presents a critical reaction against two currently influential tendencies of thought. On the one hand, he rejects the facile relativism that pervades contemporary social and academic life. On the other hand, he opposes the rationalism inherent in neo-contractarian theory--both in the idealized communicative-contract version promoted in continental European political philosophy by J;urgen Habermas, and in the idealized social contract version of the theory of political justice promoted in the Anglo-American context by John Rawls. Against such tendencies, Rescher's pluralist (...)
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  33. Nature and convention in the democratic state.A. Boyce Gibson - 1951 - Australasian Journal of Philosophy 29 (1):1 – 20.