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  1. Andrew Altman (2005). Democratic Self-Determination and the Disenfranchisement of Felons. Journal of Applied Philosophy 22 (3):263–273.
  2. Richard Ashcraft (1980). Revolutionary Politics and Locke's Two Treatises of Government: Radicalism and Lockean Political Theory. Political Theory 8 (4):429-486.
  3. W. J. Ashley (1896). Book Review:Anarchy or Government? An Inquiry in Fundamental Politics. William Mackintire Salter. [REVIEW] Ethics 6 (3):395-.
  4. Jason Brennan (forthcoming). Why Liberal States Must Accommodate Tax Resistors. Public Affairs Quarterly.
    Liberal states ought to accommodate conscientious tax resistance for the same reasons they should accommodate conscientious objection to fighting in war. Conscientious objection to fighting is nothing special.
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  5. Simon Caney (1997). Self-Government and Secession: The Case of Nations. Journal of Political Philosophy 5 (4):351–372.
  6. Rory J. Conces (1998). Consensual Foundations and Resistance in Locke's `Second Treatise'. Theoria 45 (91):19-33.
  7. Thomas Fossen (2013). The Grammar of Political Obligation. Politics, Philosophy and Economics (3):1470594-13496072.
    This essay presents a new way of conceptualizing the problem of political obligation. On the traditional ‘normativist’ framing of the issue, the primary task for theory is to secure the content and justification of political obligations, providing practically applicable moral knowledge. This paper develops an alternative, ‘pragmatist’ framing of the issue, by rehabilitating a frequently misunderstood essay by Hanna Pitkin and by recasting her argument in terms of the ‘pragmatic turn’ in recent philosophy, as articulated by Robert Brandom. From this (...)
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  8. Danny Frederick (2013). Social Contract Theory Should Be Abandoned. Rationality, Markets and Morals 4:178-89.
    I argue that social-contract theory cannot succeed because reasonable people may always disagree, and that social-contract theory is irrelevant to the problem of the legitimacy of a form of government or of a system of moral rules. I note the weakness of the appeal to implicit agreement, the conflation of legitimacy with stability, the undesirability of “public justification” and the apparent blindness to the evolutionary critical-rationalist approach of Hayek and Popper. I employ that approach to sketch answers to the theoretical, (...)
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  9. Joseph S. Fulda (2013). The Limits of Consent. Sexuality and Culture 17 (4):659-665.
    This journal has frequently taken the position that /consent/, or at least /informed consent/, is all that from a secular viewpoint is necessary for an activity to be ethical. We argue to the contrary, that /consent/ is and /only/ is a /political/ criterion for determining /criminality/—even for a libertarian. Consensual behavior can be /unethical/—although it should not be criminalized—if the consent will never be truly revocable in the future of if such revocability is severely compromised. We give three examples, one (...)
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  10. Gerald Gaus (2012). Justification, Choice and Promise: Three Devices of the Consent Tradition in a Diverse Society. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (2):109-127.
    The twin ideas at the heart of the social contract tradition are that persons are naturally free and equal, and that genuine political obligations must in some way be based on the consent of those obligated. The Lockean tradition has held that consent must be in the form of explicit choice; Kantian contractualism has insisted on consent as rational endorsement. In this paper I seek to bring the Kantian and Lockean contract traditions together. Kantian rational justification and actual choice are (...)
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  11. Russell Hardin (1991). Hobbesian Political Order. Political Theory 19 (2):156-180.
  12. John Horton (2012). Political Legitimacy, Justice and Consent. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (2):129-148.
    What is it for a state, constitution or set of governmental institutions to have political legitimacy? This paper raises some doubts about two broadly liberal answers to this question, which can be labelled ?Kantian? and ?libertarian?. The argument focuses in particular on the relationship between legitimacy and principles of justice and on the place of consent. By contrast with these views, I suggest that, without endorsing the kind of voluntarist theory, according to which political legitimacy is simply created by individual (...)
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  13. Duncan Ivison, Consent or Contestation?
    That consent could wholly explain – either descriptively or normatively – the legitimacy of the structure of political community and it’s most important and influential institutions and practices is deeply implausible. There are two general sorts of considerations adduced against such a proposition. First, history simply refutes it: force is an essential feature of the founding of any political society, and arguably, for its continued existence, and power relations, in all their complexity, are imperfectly tracked by consent. Moreover, there are (...)
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  14. Nicolas Maloberti (2010). The Fallacy of Consent. Journal of Value Inquiry 44 (4):469-476.
    One way in which liberal theories have argued for the legitimacy of the state is by means of a principle of implicit consent. Since Hume, critics have argued that the price of dissent would be too high for such a strategy to be successful. Some theorists have replied that the high price involved in not agreeing to do something does not need to be a defeating condition of consenting. Other theorists have proposed institutional reforms which will diminish the costs of (...)
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  15. Davide Morselli & Stefano Passini (2011). New Perspectives on the Study of the Authority Relationship: Integrating Individual and Societal Level Research. Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour 41 (3):291-307.
  16. Stephen Mulhall (1997). Promising, Consent, and Citizenship: Rawls and Cavell on Morality and Politics. Political Theory 25 (2):171-192.
  17. Jacques Rancière (2010). Chronicles of Consensual Times. Continuum.
    The head and the stomach January 1996 -- Borges in Sarajevo March 1996 -- Fin de siècle and new millenarium May 1996 -- Cold racism July 1996 -- The last enemy November 1996 -- The grounded plane January 1997 -- Dialectic in the dialectic August 1997 -- Voyage to the country of the last sociologists November 1997 -- Justice in the past April 1998 -- The crisis of art or a crisis of thought July 1998 -- Is cinema to blame (...)
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  18. Joseph Raz, The Problem of Authority: Revisiting the Service Conception.
    The problem I have in mind is the problem of the possible justification of subjecting one's will to that of another, and of the normative standing of demands to do so. The account of authority that I offered, many years ago, under the title of the service conception of authority, addressed this issue, and assumed that all other problems regarding authority are subsumed under it. Many found the account implausible. It is thin, relying on very few ideas. It may well (...)
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  19. Enzo Rossi (2013). Consensus, Compromise, Justice and Legitimacy. Critical Review of Social and International Political Philosophy 16 (4):557-572.
    Could the notion of compromise help us overcoming – or at least negotiating – the frequent tension, in normative political theory, between the realistic desideratum of peaceful coexistence and the idealistic desideratum of justice? That is to say, an analysis of compromise may help us moving beyond the contrast between two widespread contrasting attitudes in contemporary political philosophy: ‘fiat iustitia, pereat mundus’ on the one side, ‘salus populi suprema lex’ on the other side. More specifically, compromise may provide the backbone (...)
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  20. Paul Russell (1986). Locke on Express and Tacit Consent: Misinterpretations and Inconsistencies. Political Theory 14 (2):291-306.
  21. John Salter (2001). Hugo Grotius: Property and Consent. Political Theory 29 (4):537-555.
  22. John T. Sanders (1980). The Ethical Argument Against Government. University Press of America.
    The institution of government requires justification. It is a human creation, the product of deliberate human action. Acts are performed in its name, and these acts have huge consequences on the lives of people. The act of creating -- or deliberately maintaining -- government, as well as the acts typically performed in the name of government, may and should be evaluated as to morality, and as to appropriateness for achieving intended goals. This book challenges the almost universally held belief that (...)
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  23. John T. Sanders & Jan Narveson (eds.) (1996). For and Against the State: New Philosophical Readings. Rowman and Littlefield.
    This collection addresses the central issue of political philosophy or, in a couple of cases, issues very close to the heart of that question: Is government justified? This ancient question has never been more alive than at the present time, in the midst of continuing political and social upheaval in virtually every part of the world. Only two of the pieces collected here have been published previously. All the other contributions were, at the time of the inception of the volume, (...)
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  24. David Thomson (1939). Consent, Freedom and Political Obligation. By J. P. Plamenatz . (London: Oxford University Press, Humphrey Milford. 1938. Pp. Xii + 163. Price 7s. 6d.). [REVIEW] Philosophy 14 (53):114-.
  25. Brian Tierney (1987). Hierarchy, Consent, and the "Western Tradition". Political Theory 15 (4):646-652.
  26. Jiafeng Zhu (2014). Fairness, Political Obligation, and the Justificatory Gap. Journal of Moral Philosophy:1-23.
    The moral principle of fairness or fair play is widely believed to be a solid ground for political obligation, i.e., a general prima facie moral duty to obey the law qua law. In this article, I advance a new and, more importantly, principled objection to fairness theories of political obligation by revealing and defending a justificatory gap between the principle of fairness and political obligation: the duty of fairness on its own is incapable of preempting the citizen‟s liberty to reciprocate (...)
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