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  1. Arash Abizadeh (2005). Does Collective Identity Presuppose an Other: On the Alleged Incoherence of Global Solidarity. American Political Science Review 99 (1):45-60.
    Two arguments apparently support the thesis that collective identity presupposes an Other: the recognition argument, according to which seeing myself as a self requires recognition by an other whom I also recognize as a self (Hegel); and the dialogic argument, according to which my sense of self can only develop dialogically (Taylor). But applying these arguments to collective identity involves a compositional fallacy. Two modern ideologies mask the particularist thesis’s falsehood. The ideology of indivisible state sovereignty makes sovereignty as such (...)
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  2. Arash Abizadeh (2002). Does Liberal Democracy Presuppose a Cultural Nation? Four Arguments. American Political Science Review 96 (3):495-509.
    This paper subjects to critical analysis four common arguments in the sociopolitical theory literature supporting the cultural nationalist thesis that liberal democracy is viable only against the background of a single national public culture: the arguments that (1) social integration in a liberal democracy requires shared norms and beliefs (Schnapper); (2) the levels of trust that democratic politics requires can be attained only among conationals (Miller); (3) democratic deliberation requires communicational transparency, possible in turn only within a shared national public (...)
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  3. Christian Barry & Matt Peterson (2011). Who Should Pay for the Damage of the Global Financial Crisis? In Ned Dobos Christian Barry & Thomas Pogge (eds.), Global Financial Crisis:The Ethical Issues. Palgrave.
  4. Gillian Brock (2009). Global Justice: A Cosmopolitan Account. Oxford University Press.
    OUP writes: Gillian Brock develops a viable cosmopolitan model of global justice that takes seriously the equal moral worth of persons, yet leaves scope for defensible forms of nationalism and for other legitimate identifications and affiliations people have. Brock addresses two prominent kinds of skeptic about global justice: those who doubt its feasibility and those who believe that cosmopolitanism interferes illegitimately with the defensible scope of nationalism by undermining goods of national importance, such as authentic democracy or national self-determination. The (...)
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  5. Gillian Brock (2004). What Does Cosmopolitan Justice Demand of Us? Theoria 51 (104):169-191.
    In this paper I raise three challenges for Moellendorf's account of cosmopolitan justice. First, I argue that in a reconstructed cosmopolitan original position we would choose a 'needs-based minimum floor principle' rather than a 'global difference principle', if these are not co-extensive. Second, I argue that Moellendorf's version of the 'equality of opportunity principle' is too vulnerable to criticisms of cultural insensitivity, though I also note that there are problems with versions of the ideal that aim for a more general (...)
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  6. Speranta Dumitru (2009). Emigración, talentos y justicia: un argumento feminista sobre la fuga de cerebros. Isonomía. Revista de Teoría y Filosofía Del Derecho 30:31-52.
  7. Lior Erez (2015). Cosmopolitanism, Motivation, and Normative Feasibility. Ethics and Global Politics 8 (1):43-55.
    David Axelsen has recently introduced a novel critique of the motivational argument against cosmopolitanism: even if it were the case that lack of motivation could serve as a normative constraint, people’s anti-cosmopolitan motivations cannot be seen as constraints on cosmopolitan duties as they are generated and reinforced by the state. This article argues that Axelsen's argument misrepresents the nationalist motivational argument against cosmopolitanism: the nationalist motivational argument is best interpreted as an argument about normative feasibility rather than as an argument (...)
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  8. Pablo Gilabert (2011). Cosmopolitan Overflow. The Monist 94 (4):584-592.
  9. Cheikh Mbacke Gueye (2013). Rooted Cosmopolitanism. An Answer to Exclusion and Crime Against Humanity. Journal of East-West Thought 3 (2):45-56.
    Addressing the issue of crime against humanity requires a robust theory about personal attitude, politics, justice at home and abroad, as well as a true conception of human nature. The present paper contributes to this debate by emphasizing the importance of adopting a “rooted cosmopolitanism” that neither excludes wider loyalties, nor overrides the narrower ones. It is a theory that requires, not a world state, but solid democratic, and accountable states respectful of the rights of their citizens and the demands (...)
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  10. Tim Hayward (2009). International Political Theory and the Global Environment: Some Critical Questions for Liberal Cosmopolitans. Journal of Social Philosophy 40 (2):276-295.
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  11. Pauline Kleingeld (2008). Romantic Cosmopolitanism: Novalis's “Christianity or Europe”. Journal of the History of Philosophy 46 (2):pp. 269-284.
    German Romanticism is commonly associated with nationalism rather than cosmopolitanism. Against this standard picture, I argue that the early German romantic author, Novalis (Georg Philipp Friedrich von Hardenberg, 1772–1801) holds a decidedly cosmopolitan view. Novalis’s essay “Christianity or Europe” has been the subject of much dispute and puzzlement ever since he presented it to the Jena romantic circle in the fall of 1799. On the basis of an account of the philosophical background of Novalis’s romanticism, I show that the image (...)
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  12. Pauline Kleingeld (1999). Six Varieties of Cosmopolitanism in Late Eighteenth-Century Germany. Journal of the History of Ideas 60 (3):505-524.
    Cosmopolitanism is not a single encompassing idea but rather comes in at least six different varieties, which have often been conflated in previous literature. This is shown on the basis of the discussion in late eighteenth-century Germany (roughly, 1780-1800). The six varieties are: (1) moral cosmopolitanism, the view that all humans belong to a single moral community; political cosmopolitanism, which advocates (2) reform of the international political and legal order or (3) a strong notion of human rights; (4) cultural cosmopolitanism, (...)
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  13. Holly Lawford-Smith (2011). Cosmopolitan Global Justice: Brock Vs. The Feasibility Sceptic. Global Justice Theory Practice Rhetoric (4).
  14. Matthew Lister (2015). Four Entries for the Rawls Lexicon: Charles Beitz, H.L.A. Hart, Citizen, Sovereignty. In Jon Mandle & David Reidy (eds.), The Cambridge Rawls Lexicon. Cambridge University Press.
    These are for entries for _The Cambridge Rawls Lexicon_, edited by Jon Mandle and David Reidy, on H.L.A. Hart, Charles Beitz, Sovereignty, and Citizen.
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  15. Eric S. Nelson (2014). 非对称伦理学与世界公民主义宽容悖论. 吉林大学社会科学学报 54 (3):101-107.
  16. Mason Richey (2010). Towards a Non-Positivist Approach to Cosmopolitan Immigration: A Critique of the Inclusion/Exclusion Dialectic and an Analysis of Selected European Immigration Policies. Journal of International and Area Studies 17 (1):55-74.
    This interdisciplinary paper identifies principles of an affluent country (im)migration policy that avoids: (1) the positivist inclusion/exclusion mechanism of liberalism and communitarianism; and (2) the idealism of most cosmopolitan (im)migration theories. First, I: (a) critique the failure of liberalism and communitarianism to consider (im)migration under distributive justice; and (b) present cosmopolitan (im)migration approaches as a promising alternative. This paper’s central claim is that cosmopolitan (im)migration theory can determine normative shortcomings in (im)migration policy by coupling elements of Frankfurt School methodology to (...)
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  17. David Rondel & Alex Sager (eds.) (2012). Pessimism of the Intellect, Optimism of the Will: The Political Philosophy of Kai Nielsen. University of Calgary Press.
  18. Sidney G. Tarrow (2005). The New Transnational Activism. Cambridge University Press.
    The New Transnational Activism shows how even the most prosaic activities can assume broader political meanings when they provide ordinary people with the experience of crossing transnational space. This means that we cannot be satisfied with defining transnational activists through the ways they think. The defining feature of transnationalism in this book is relational, and not cognitive. This emphasis on activism's relational structure means that even as they make transnational claims, transnational activists draw on the resources, the networks, and the (...)
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