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  1. Alejandro Agafonow (2011). Deliberative Safeguards and Global Governance: A Market-Based Approach to Address Garrett W. Brown's' Deliberative Deficit'within the Global Fund. Theoria 58 (128):40-54.
    Garrett W. Brown has argued that donor voting caucuses produce a deliberative deficit between donor and non-donor members in the Global Fund International Board. Although we agree with this assessment, in our research on low-transaction cost alternatives to cope with consistent deliberative conditions we have found that deliberation and interest-based preference maximisation are not necessarily mutually exclusive, as long as we manage to stop donor members from behaving like monopolists. To this end, we have to open up the Board from (...)
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  2. Kristoffer Ahlstrom-Vij (2012). Why Deliberative Democracy is (Still) Untenable. Public Affairs Quarterly 26 (3):199-220.
    A common objection to deliberative democracy is that available evidence on public ignorance makes it unlikely that social deliberation among the public is a process likely to yield accurate outputs. The present paper considers—and ultimately rejects—two responses to this objection. The first response is that the correct conclusion to draw from the evidence is simply that we must work harder to ensure that the deliberative process improves the deliberators’ epistemic situation. The main problem for this response is that there are (...)
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  3. Scott F. Aikin (2006). Commentary on Democratic “Deliberation, Public Reason, and Environmental Politics”. Environmental Philosophy 3 (2):59-63.
    Editors’ Note: We decided that a commentary to the original Aikin essay from the perspective of humanities policy would be beneficial. We then invited Scott Aikin to respond to this commentary. What follows is (a) the Briggle/Frodeman commentary and (b) the Aikin response. We present the discussion in its entirety in the conviction that this transparency will help the reader to critically assess the viability of these arguments and to draw his/her own conclusion as to the efficacy of such reasoning (...)
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  4. Michael Allen (2009). Civil Disobedience and Terrorism: Testing the Limits of Deliberative Democracy. Theoria 56 (118):15-39.
    This article explores the boundaries of the commitment of deliberative democrats to communication and persuasion over threats and intimidation through examining the hard cases of civil disobedience and terrorism. The case of civil disobedience is challenging as deliberative democrats typically support this tactic under certain conditions, yet such a move threatens to blur the Habermasian distinction between instrumental and communicative action that informs many accounts of deliberative democracy. However, noting that civil disobedience is deemed acceptable to many deliberative democrats so (...)
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  5. Emmanuel Ifeanyi Ani (2013). Africa and the Prospects of Deliberative Democracy. South African Journal of Philosophy 32 (3):207-219.
    Preoccupation with multiparty aggregative democracy in Africa has produced superficial forms of political/electoral choice-making by subjects that deepen pre-existing ethnic and primordial cleavages. This is because the principles of the multiparty system presuppose that decision-making through voting should be the result of a mere aggregation of pre-existing, fixed preferences. To this kind of decision-making, I propose deliberative democracy as a supplementary approach. My reason is that deliberation, beyond mere voting, should be central to decisionmaking and that, for a decision to (...)
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  6. David Archard (2001). Political Disagreement, Legitimacy, and Civility. Philosophical Explorations 4 (3):207 – 222.
    For many contemporary liberal political philosophers the appropriate response to the facts of pluralism is the requirement of public reasonableness, namely that individuals should be able to offer to their fellow citizens reasons for their political actions that can generally be accepted.This article finds wanting two possible arguments for such a requirement: one from a liberal principle of legitimacy and the other from a natural duty of political civility. A respect in which conversational restraint in the face of political agreement (...)
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  7. Carlo Argenton & Enzo Rossi (2013). Pluralism, Preferences, and Deliberation: A Critique of Sen's Constructive Argument for Democracy. Journal of Social Philosophy 44 (2):129-145.
    In this paper we argue that Sen's defence of liberal democracy suffers from a moralistic and pro-liberal bias that renders it unable to take pluralism as seriously as it professes to do. That is because Sen’s commitment to respecting pluralism is not matched by his account of how to individuate the sorts of preferences that ought to be included in democratic deliberation. Our argument generalises as a critique of the two most common responses to the fact of pluralism in contemporary (...)
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  8. Katie Atkinson, Trevor Bench-Capon & Peter McBurney (2006). PARMENIDES: Facilitating Deliberation in Democracies. [REVIEW] Artificial Intelligence and Law 14 (4):261-275.
    Governments and other groups interested in the views of citizens require the means to present justifications of proposed actions, and the means to solicit public opinion concerning these justifications. Although Internet technologies provide the means for such dialogues, system designers usually face a choice between allowing unstructured dialogues, through, for example, bulletin boards, or requiring citizens to acquire a knowledge of some argumentation schema or theory, as in, for example, ZENO. Both of these options present usability problems. In this paper, (...)
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  9. Robert Audi (1989). The Separation of Church and State and the Obligations of Citizenship. Philosophy and Public Affairs 18 (3):259-296.
  10. Randall E. Auxier (1992). Hanks on Habermas and Democratic Communication. Southwest Philosophy Review 8 (2):97-100.
  11. André Bächtiger, Simon Niemeyer, Michael Neblo, Marco R. Steenbergen & Jürg Steiner (2010). Disentangling Diversity in Deliberative Democracy: Competing Theories, Their Blind Spots and Complementarities. Journal of Political Philosophy 18 (1):32-63.
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  12. André Bächtiger, Simon Niemeyer, Michael Neblo, Marco R. Steenbergen & Jürg Steiner (2010). Disentangling Diversity in Deliberative Democracy: Competing Theories, Their Blind Spots and Complementarities. Journal of Political Philosophy 18 (1):32-63.
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  13. M. Bacon (2010). The Politics of Truth: A Critique of Peircean Deliberative Democracy. Philosophy and Social Criticism 36 (9):1075-1091.
    Recent discussion in democratic theory has seen a revival of interest in pragmatism. Drawing on the work of C. S. Peirce, Cheryl Misak and Robert Talisse have argued that a form of deliberative democracy is justified as the means for citizens to assure themselves of the truth of their beliefs. In this article, I suggest that the Peircean account of deliberative democracy is conceived too narrowly. It takes its force from seeing citizens as intellectual inquirers, something that I argue is (...)
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  14. Ryan K. Balot (2009). The Virtue Politics of Democratic Athens. In Stephen G. Salkever (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Political Thought. Cambridge University Press.
  15. Luz Marina Barreto (2012). La constitución de la ciudadanía democrática y el problema de la fundamentación de conocimiento en las sociedades complejas. Apuntes Filosóficos 19 (36):105-122.
    Mi problema es como reconciliar una fundamentación racional de instituciones democráticas, que en nuestras sociedades tienden a ser de índole liberal, con la creciente complejidad demográfica de las sociedades contemporáneas. Mi punto de vista es que esta fundamentación debería ser deliberativa y discursiva, es decir, debería garantizar una participación reflexiva de todos los ciudadanos en el diseño y sostenimiento de sus instituciones públicas. Ahora bien, ¿cómo alcanzar este ideal en sociedades cuyas complejidades dificultan la coordinación de intereses y la participación (...)
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  16. Christian Barry (2008). Christopher F. Zurn,Deliberative Democracy and the Institutions of Judicial Review:Deliberative Democracy and the Institutions of Judicial Review. Ethics 118 (4):767-772.
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  17. John Barry (2009). Ecological Politics and Democratic Theory: The Challenge to the Deliberative Ideal. Contemporary Political Theory 8 (1):115.
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  18. Kenneth Baynes (2010). Deliberative Democracy and Public Reason. Veritas 55 (1):135-163.
    O artigo reexamina as concepções habermasianas de política deliberativa e democracia procedimental à luz de outras teorias deliberativas, de forma a explorar as suas semelhanças e diferenças e investigar o quanto devem à ideia de razão pública e as implicações práticas daquela ideia.
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  19. C. Beltran (2011). Book Review: Civil Passions: Moral Sentiment and Democratic Deliberation. [REVIEW] Political Theory 39 (5):682-685.
  20. Seyla Benhabib (2004). On Culture, Public Reason, and Deliberation: Response to Pensky and Peritz. Constellations 11 (2):291-299.
  21. Thomas M. Besch (2014). On Discursive Respect. Social Theory and Practice 40 (2):207-231.
    Moral and political forms of constructivism accord to people strong, “constitutive” forms of discursive standing and so build on, or express, a commitment to discursive respect. The paper explores dimensions of discursive respect, i.e., depth, scope, and purchase; it addresses tenuous interdependencies between them; on this basis, it identifies limitations of the idea of discursive respect and of constructivism. The task of locating discursive respect in the normative space defined by its three dimensions is partly, and importantly, an ethical task (...)
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  22. Gabriel Bianchi (2008). Introducing Deliberative Democracy: A Goal, a Tool, or Just a Context?1. Human Affairs 18 (1).
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  23. Thomas Biebricher (2007). Habermas and Foucault: Deliberative Democracy and Strategic State Analysis. Contemporary Political Theory 6 (2):218.
    The paper explores ways to bring the approaches of J. Habermas and M. Foucault into a productive dialogue. In particular, it argues that Habermas's concept of deliberative democracy can and should be complemented by a strategic analysis of the state as it is found in Foucault's studies of governmentality. While deliberative democracy is a critical theory of democracy that provides normative knowledge about the legitimacy of a given system, it is not well equipped to generate knowledge that could inform the (...)
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  24. Martin Blanchard (2012). Violence et démocratie délibérative : introduction. Les Ateliers de l'Éthique / the Ethics Forum 7 (1):45-49.
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  25. Charles Blattberg (2003). Patriotic, Not Deliberative, Democracy. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 6 (1):155-174.
    Given the concern they share for the common good, both patriotic and deliberative conceptions of democracy can be said to have roots in classical republicanism. But these two modern approaches to politics are not the same. In order to show this, as well as demonstrate patriotism's superiority to deliberative democracy, I offer four criticisms of the latter: (i) its support of a theory or systematic set of procedures for conversation distorts its practice; (ii) it is ideologically biased; (iii) its distinction (...)
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  26. Ricardo Blaug (2000). Citizenship and Political Judgment: Between Discourse Ethics and Phronesis. Res Publica 6 (2):179-198.
    Political judgment is notoriously hard to theorise, and in the recent debates surrounding Habermas's discourse ethics we encounter classic disagreements around the nature, operation and validity of such judgments. This paper evaluates Habermas's account of political judgment and explores the problems raised by his critics. It then focuses on the contentious role played by universals within his account. What emerges is a reformulated theory of judgment based on the thin universalism of fair deliberation, and a description of a sub-set of (...)
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  27. J. Bohman (1998). Survey Article: The Coming of Age of Deliberative Democracy. Journal of Political Philosophy 6 (4):400–425.
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  28. James Bohman (2009). Deliberating About the Past: Decentering Deliberative Democracy. In Chad Kautzer & Eduardo Mendieta (eds.), Pragmatism, Nation, and Race: Community in the Age of Empire. Indiana University Press. 110.
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  29. James Bohman (2006). Deliberative Democracy and the Epistemic Benefits of Diversity. Episteme 3 (3):175-191.
    It is often assumed that democracies can make good use of the epistemic benefi ts of diversity among their citizenry, but difficult to show why this is the case. In a deliberative democracy, epistemically relevant diversity has three aspects: the diversity of opinions, values, and perspectives. Deliberative democrats generally argue for an epistemic form of Rawls' difference principle: that good deliberative practice ought to maximize deliberative inputs, whatever they are, so as to benefi t all deliberators, including the least eff (...)
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  30. James Bohman (2004). Realizing Deliberative Democracy as a Mode of Inquiry: Pragmatism, Social Facts, and Normative Theory. Journal of Speculative Philosophy 18 (1):23-43.
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  31. James Bohman (2000). Public Deliberation: Pluralism, Complexity, and Democracy. The Mit Press.
    Bohman develops a realistic model of deliberation by gradually introducing and analyzing the major tests facing deliberative democracy: cultural pluralism, social inequalities, social complexity, and community-wide biases and ideologies.
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  32. James Bohman & William Rehg (eds.) (1997). Deliberative Democracy: Essays on Reason and Politics. The Mit Press.
    The contributions in this anthology address tensions that arise between reason and politics in a democracy inspired by the ideal of achieving reasoned agreement among free and equal citizens.
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  33. James Bohman & Henry S. Richardson (2009). Liberalism, Deliberative Democracy, and "Reasons That All Can Accept". Journal of Political Philosophy 17 (3):253-274.
  34. Richard Boyd (2004). Pity's Pathologies Portrayed: Rousseau and the Limits of Democratic Compassion. Political Theory 32 (4):519-546.
    Jean-Jacques Rousseau is renowned for defending the pity of the state of nature over and against the vanity, cruelty, and inequalities of civil society. In the standard reading, it is this sentiment of pity, activated by our imagination, that allows for the cultivation of compassion. However, a closer look at the "pathologies of pity" in Rousseau's system challenges this idea that pity is a pleasurable sentiment that arises from a recognition of the identity of our natures and leads ultimately to (...)
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  35. Gregory Brazeal (2011). Webs of Faith as a Source of Reasonable Disagreement. Critical Review 23 (4):421-448.
    Abstract An individual's beliefs can be seen as rationally related to one another in a kind of web. These beliefs, however, may not form a single, seamless web. There may exist smaller, largely self-contained webs with few or no rational relations to the larger web. Such ?webs of faith? make it possible for reasonable deliberators to persist in a disagreement even under ideal deliberative conditions. The possibility of reasonable disagreement challenges the assumption that rationality should lead to consensus and presents (...)
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  36. Stephen Brookfield (2010). Learning Democratic Reason : The Adult Education Project of Jürgen Habermas. In Mark Murphy & Ted Fleming (eds.), Habermas, Critical Theory and Education. Routledge.
  37. Thom Brooks (2009). A Critique of Pragmatism and Deliberative Democracy. Transactions of the Charles S. Peirce Society 45 (1):pp. 50-54.
    This paper offers two potential worries in Robert B. Talisse's A Pragmatist Philosophy of Democracy. The first worry is that is that the picture of democracy on offer is incomplete. While Talisse correctly argues that democracy is about more than elections, democracy is also about more than deliberation between citizens. Talisse's deliberative democracy is problematic to the degree its view of deliberation fails to account for democracy. The second worry we may have concerns the relationship between Talisse's Peircean pragmatism and (...)
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  38. Thom Brooks (2006). Ian Shapiro, The State of Democratic Theory:The State of Democratic Theory. Ethics 116 (2):442-444.
    Book review of Ian Shapiro - "The State of Democratic Theory".
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  39. Miriam Brouillet & Leigh Turner (2005). Bioethics, Religion, and Democratic Deliberation: Policy Formation and Embryonic Stem Cell Research. [REVIEW] HEC Forum 17 (1):49-63.
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  40. Hubertus Buchstein (1997). Bytes That Bite: The Internet and Deliberative Democracy. Constellations 4 (2):248-263.
  41. F. C. (2002). Deliberative Democracy and Constitutional Review. Law and Philosophy 21 (s 4-5):467-542.
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  42. Roberto Casati & Achille C. Varzi (2008). Voti e altri buchi elettorali. Rivista di Estetica 48 (37):169-194.
    A philosophical dialogue on the functioning, the limits, and the paradoxes of our electoral practices, dealing with such basic questions as: What is a vote? How do we count votes? And do votes really count?
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  43. Zsuzsanna Chappell (2008). Rational Choice and Democratic Deliberation: A Theory of Discourse Failure, by Guido Pincione and Fernando R. Tesón, 2006, XI + 258 Pages. [REVIEW] Economics and Philosophy 24 (1):105-111.
  44. Thomas Christiano (1997). Richardson on Deliberative Democracy. Modern Schoolman 74 (4):301-309.
  45. Tarnopolsky Christina (2007). Platonic Reflections on the Aesthetic Dimensions of Deliberative Democracy. Political Theory 35 (3).
  46. R. J. G. Claassen (2009). New Directions for the Capability Approach: Deliberative Democracy and Republicanism. Res Publica 15 (4):421-428.
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  47. Joshua Cohen (2009). Reflections on Deliberative Democracy. In Thomas Christiano & John Philip Christman (eds.), Contemporary Debates in Political Philosophy. Wiley-Blackwell. 17--247.
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  48. Joshua Cohen (2003). Delibration and Democratic Legitimacy. In Derek Matravers & Jonathan E. Pike (eds.), Debates in Contemporary Political Philosophy: An Anthology. Routledge, in Association with the Open University.
  49. Joshua Cohen (1989). Democratic Equality. Ethics 99 (4):727-751.
  50. Joshua Cohen (1989). The Economic Basis of Deliberative Democracy. Social Philosophy and Policy 6 (02):25-.
    There are two principal philosophical conceptions of socialism, corresponding to two interpretations of the notion of a rational society. The first conception corresponds to an instrumental view of social rationality. Captured by the image of socialism as “one big workshop,” the instrumental view holds that social ownership of the means of production is rational because it promotes the optimal development of the productive forces. Social ownership is optimal because it eliminates the costs of coordination imposed by the conduct of economic (...)
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