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  1. Philip E. Agre (2001). Supporting the Intellectual Life of a Democratic Society. Ethics and Information Technology 3 (4):289-298.
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  2. Kristoffer Ahlstrom-Vij (2012). What's so Good About a Wise and Knowledgeable Public? Acta Analytica 27 (2):199-216.
    Political philosophers have been concerned for some time with the epistemic caliber of the general public, qua the body that is, ultimately, tasked with political decision-making in democratic societies. Unfortunately, the empirical data paints a pretty dismal picture here, indicating that the public tends to be largely ignorant on the issues relevant to governance. To make matters worse, social psychological research on how ignorance tends to breed overconfidence gives us reason to believe that the public will not only lack knowledge (...)
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  3. Ettore A. Albertoni (1987). Mosca and the Theory of Elitism. B. Blackwell.
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  4. Andrew Altman (2005). Democratic Self-Determination and the Disenfranchisement of Felons. Journal of Applied Philosophy 22 (3):263–273.
  5. Carlo Argenton & Enzo Rossi (2013). Pluralism, Preferences, and Deliberation: A Critique of Sen's Constructive Argument for Democracy. Journal of Social Philosophy 44 (2):129-145.
    In this paper we argue that Sen's defence of liberal democracy suffers from a moralistic and pro-liberal bias that renders it unable to take pluralism as seriously as it professes to do. That is because Sen’s commitment to respecting pluralism is not matched by his account of how to individuate the sorts of preferences that ought to be included in democratic deliberation. Our argument generalises as a critique of the two most common responses to the fact of pluralism in contemporary (...)
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  6. Gustaf Arrhenius, The Boundary Problem in Democratic Theory.
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  7. Marcus Arvan (2011). People Do Not Have a Duty to Avoid Voting Badly: Reply to Brennan. Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy.
    Jason Brennan argues that people are morally obligated not to vote badly, where voting badly is voting “without sufficient reason” for harmful or unjust policies or candidates. His argument is: (1) One has an obligation not to engage in collectively harmful activities when refraining from such activities does not impose significant personal costs. (2) Voting badly is to engage in a collectively harmful activity, while abstaining imposes low personal costs. (3) Therefore, one should not vote badly. This paper shows that (...)
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  8. Robert Audi (1989). The Separation of Church and State and the Obligations of Citizenship. Philosophy and Public Affairs 18 (3):259-296.
  9. Susan Bickford (2000). Constructing Inequality: City Spaces and the Architecture of Citizenship. Political Theory 28 (3):355-376.
    Our urban problem is how to revive the reality of the outside as a dimension of human experience.Richard Sennett.
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  10. James W. Boettcher (2005). Strong Inclusionist Accounts of the Role of Religion in Political Decision-Making. Journal of Social Philosophy 36 (4):497–516.
  11. Corey Brettschneider (2007). Democratic Rights: The Substance of Self-Government. Princeton University Press.
    When the Supreme Court in 2003 struck down a Texas law prohibiting homosexual sodomy, it cited the right to privacy based on the guarantee of "substantive due process" embodied by the Constitution. But did the court act undemocratically by overriding the rights of the majority of voters in Texas? Scholars often point to such cases as exposing a fundamental tension between the democratic principle of majority rule and the liberal concern to protect individual rights. Democratic Rights challenges this view by (...)
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  12. Thom Brooks (2006). Ian Shapiro, The State of Democratic Theory:The State of Democratic Theory. Ethics 116 (2):442-444.
    Book review of Ian Shapiro - "The State of Democratic Theory".
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  13. Matthew J. Brown (forthcoming). The Democratic Control of the Scientific Control of Democracy. In Dennis Dieks & Vassilios Karakostas (eds.), Recent Progress in Philosophy of Science: Perspectives and Foundational Problems. Springer.
    I will discuss for two popular but apparently contradictory theses: T1. The democratic control of science – the aims and activities of science should be subject to public scrutiny via democratic processes of representation and participation. T2. The scientific control of policy, i.e. technocracy – political pro- cesses should be problem-solving pursuits determined by the methods and results of science and technology. Many arguments can be given for (T1), both epistemic and moral/political; I will focus on an argument based on (...)
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  14. Hauke Brunkhorst (2007). Globalizing Solidarity: The Destiny of Democratic Solidarity in the Times of Global Capitalism, Global Religion, and the Global Public. Journal of Social Philosophy 38 (1):93–111.
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  15. Michael Buckley (2008). Two Principles of Broadcast Media Ownership for a Democratic Society. Journal of Business Ethics 82 (4):821 - 834.
    Technological advances in media communications have raised questions about the appropriateness of media ownership rules for traditional TV and radio broadcast. This article contributes to this debate by defending a set of principles that ought to govern the distribution of broadcast spectrum. In particular, it defends principles reflecting the ‹public interest’ constraint currently informing broadcast media ownership rules, and argues against a free-market procedure for distributing spectrum use. The argument relies upon the application of a political constructivist approach typical to (...)
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  16. Emanuela Ceva & Federico Zuolo, A Matter of Respect. On the Relation Between the Majority and Minorities in a Democracy.
    The relations between the majority and minorities in a democracy have been standardly viewed as the main subject matter of toleration: the majority should refrain from using its dominant position to interfere with some minorities’ practices or beliefs despite its dislike or disapproval of such practices or beliefs. Can the idea of toleration provide us with the necessary resources to understand and respond to the problems arising out of majority/minorities relations in a democracy? We reply in the negative and make (...)
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  17. Samuel Allen Chambers & Terrell Carver (eds.) (2011). Carole Pateman: Democracy, Feminism, Welfare. Routledge.
  18. Francis Cheneval (2011). The Government of the Peoples: On the Idea and Principles of Multilateral Democracy. Palgrave Macmillan.
    Approaching the concept of multilateral democracy -- The transnational dimension of liberal democracy -- Multilateral democracy from a republican point of view -- The conception of the people in multilateral democracy -- The rational case for multilateralism -- Multilateral democracy: the original position -- Principles of multilateral democracy -- Final remarks.
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  19. Carl Cohen (1975). On the Child's Status in the Democratic State: A Response to Mr. Schrag. Political Theory 3 (4):458-463.
  20. Rory J. Conces (2010). Uloga Hiperintelektualca U Izgradnji Građanskog Društva I Demokratizacije Na Balkanu (The Role of the Hyperintellectual in Civil Society Building and Democratization in the Balklans). Dijalog 1:7-30.
    Riječ “intelektualac” francuskog je porijekla, nastala krajem 19. vijeka. Stvorena tokom afere Dreyfus, uglavnom se odnosi na one mislioce koji su spremni da interveniraju u javnom forumu, čak i ako to znači da sebe izlažu riziku (Le Sueur 2001:2). Teoretičari kao što su Edward Said, Paul Ricoeur, Jean-Paul Sartre i Michael Waltzer dali su doprinos diskusiji o intelektualcima: intelektualca Said vidi kao kritički nastrojenog autsajdera, Ricoeur kao političkog edukatora, Sartre kao čovjeka od akcije, a Waltzer kao brižnog insajdera. Opisati intelektualca (...)
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  21. Rory J. Conces (2008). Zulfikarpasic's Passing: A Time to Reflect on the Important but Difficult Role of the Hyperintellectual. Bosnia Daily (August 22):7-8.
  22. Rory J. Conces (2005). A Sisyphean Tale: The Pathology of Ethnic Nationalism and the Pedagogy of Forging Humane Democracies in the BALKans. Studies in East European Thought 57 (2):139 - 184.
  23. Rory J. Conces (2004). Eine Sisyphos-Erzählung: Zur Pathologie des [Religiösen] Ethnischen Nationalismus Und Praxis Humaner Demokratieförderung Auf Dem Balkan (A Sisyphean Tale: The Pathology of [Religious] Ethnic Nationalism and the Pedagogy of Forging of Humane Democracies in the Balkans). Kakanien Revisited.
  24. Earl Conteh-Morgan (2000). State Integrity and Democratization: Issues, Values, and Paradoxes in African Development. Journal of Social Philosophy 31 (4):488–496.
  25. Rosemary J. Coombe (1993). Tactics of Appropriation and the Politics of Recognition in Late Modern Democracies. Political Theory 21 (3):411-433.
  26. Franz Dietrich & Christian List, Judgment Aggregation by Quota Rules: Majority Voting Generalized.
  27. S. N. Eisenstadt (1998). The Paradox of Democratic Regimes: Fragility and Transformability. Sociological Theory 16 (3):211-238.
    In most of the vast scholarly literature on constitutional-democratic regimes, the major emphasis has been on the broader social, economic, or cultural conditions conductive to their development, breakdown, or consolidation and continuity (Diamond 1993b; Diamond, Linz, and Lipset 1989, 1990). The major thesis of this essay is that fragility and instability are inherent in the very constitution of modern constitutional-democratic regimes, and are rooted in (1) the tensions between the different conceptions of democracy (especially between constitutional and participatory democracy) and (...)
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  28. Eva Erman (forthcoming). The Boundary Problem and the Ideal of Democracy. Constellations.
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  29. Eva Erman & Sofia Näsström (2013). Political Equality in Transnational Democracy. In Political Equality in Transnational Democracy.
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  30. Andrew Feenberg (2001). Democratizing Technology: Interests, Codes, Rights. [REVIEW] Journal of Ethics 5 (2):177-195.
    This reply to criticism of Questioning Technology by Gerald Doppeltaddresses differences between political philosophy and philosophy oftechnology. While political philosophers such as Doppelt emphasize procedural aspects of democracy and equal rights, many philosophers of technologyimplicitly assume a substantive criterion of the good centered on thedevelopment of human capacities. Questioning Technology alsoemphasizes the diminishing agency of individuals in technologically advanced societies dominated by large scale organizations and themass media. These themes of social critique complement the main focusof political philosophy. Political philosophy (...)
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  31. Maria Paola Ferretti & Enzo Rossi (2013). Pluralism Slippery Slopes and Democratic Public Discourse. Theoria 60 (137):29-47.
    Agonist theorists have argued against deliberative democrats that democratic institutions should not seek to establish a rational consensus, but rather allow political disagreements to be expressed in an adversarial form. But democratic agonism is not antagonism: some restriction of the plurality of admissible expressions is not incompatible with a legitimate public sphere. However, is it generally possible to grant this distinction between antagonism and agonism without accepting normative standards in public discourse that saliently resemble those advocated by (some) deliberative democrats? (...)
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  32. Sandra Field (2012). A Democracy of the Multitude: Spinoza Against Negri. Theoria 59 (131):21-40.
    Negri celebrates a conception of democracy in which the concrete powers of individual humans are not alienated away, but rather are added together: this is a democracy of the multitude. But how can the multitude act without alienating anyone’s power? To answer this difficulty, Negri explicitly appeals to Spinoza. Nonetheless, in this paper, I argue that Spinoza’s philosophy does not support Negri’s project. I argue that the Spinozist multitude avoids internal hierarchy through the mediation of political institutions and not in (...)
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  33. Jerome Frank (1949). The Place of the Expert in a Democratic Society. Philosophy of Science 16 (1):3-24.
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  34. Minou Bernadette Friele (2003). Do Committees Ru(I)N the Bio-Political Culture? On the Democratic Legitimacy of Bioethics Committees. Bioethics 17 (4):301–318.
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  35. Steven F. Geisz (2006). An Indirect Argument for Strategic Voting. Journal of Applied Philosophy 23 (4):433–444.
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  36. Michael Glassman & Min Ju Kang (2011). Five Classrooms: Different Forms of 'Democracies' and Their Relationship to Cultural Pluralism(S). Educational Philosophy and Theory 43 (4):365-386.
    This paper explores the issue of democracy and the role of the democratic classroom in the development of society in general, and the way in which educators understand and deal with diversity in particular. The first part of the paper explores different meanings of democracy and how they can be manifested in the classroom. We argue that the idea of a ‘democratic classroom’ is far too broad a category; democracy is defined in action and can have realist or pragmatic characteristics, (...)
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  37. Robert E. Goodin & David Estlund (2004). The Persuasiveness of Democratic Majorities. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 3 (2):131-142.
    Under the assumptions of the standard Condorcet Jury Theorem, majority verdicts are virtually certain to be correct if the competence of voters is greater than one-half, and virtually certain to be incorrect if voter competence is less than one-half. But which is the case? Here we turn the Jury Theorem on its head, to provide one way of addressing that question. The same logic implies that, if the outcome saw 60 percent of voters supporting one proposition and 40 percent the (...)
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  38. Robert E. Goodin & Christian List (2006). A Conditional Defense of Plurality Rule: Generalizing May's Theorem in a Restricted Informational Environment. American Journal of Political Science 50 (4):940-949.
    May's theorem famously shows that, in social decisions between two options, simple majority rule uniquely satisfies four appealing conditions. Although this result is often cited in support of majority rule, it has never been extended beyond decisions based on pairwise comparisons of options. We generalize May's theorem to many-option decisions where voters each cast one vote. Surprisingly, plurality rule uniquely satisfies May's conditions. This suggests a conditional defense of plurality rule: If a society's balloting procedure collects only a single vote (...)
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  39. Axel Gosseries (2006). Democracy and Transparency. Swiss Political Science Review 12 (3):83-90.
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  40. Jerrold D. Green (1991). Usaid's Democratic Pluralism Initiative: Pragmatism or Altruism? Ethics and International Affairs 5 (1):215–231.
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  41. Farnham P. Griffiths (1907). Student Self-Government at the University of California. International Journal of Ethics 17 (3):347-361.
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  42. Jerome Hall (1949/1982). Living Law of Democratic Society. F.B. Rothman.
    Hall discusses the ideas of modern day legal philosophers such as Duguit, Geny, Ehrlich, & Kelsen, & what their conceptions mean to a democratic society.
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  43. Mark Halstead (1995). Voluntary Apartheid? Problems of Schooling for Religious and Other Minorities in Democratic Societies. Journal of Philosophy of Education 29 (2):257–272.
  44. Allan Hazlett, Preferring Non-Testimonial Belief is a Social Virtue.
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  45. Don Herzog (1994). Democratic Credentials. Ethics 104 (3):467-479.
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  46. Kristen Hessler (2006). Democratic Government and International Justice. The Monist 89 (2):259-273.
  47. Peter Higgins (2006). Review of Gould, Carol: Globalizing Democracy and Human Rights (Cambridge University Press, 2006). [REVIEW] Human Rights Review 7 (4):117-119.
  48. Arnon Keren (2013). Kitcher on Well-Ordered Science: Should Science Be Measured Against the Outcomes of Ideal Democratic Deliberation? Theoria 28 (2):233-244.
    What should the goals of scientific inquiry be? What questions should scientists investigate, and how should our resources be distributed between different lines of investigation? Philip Kitcher has suggested that we should answer these questions by appealing to an ideal based on the consideration of hypothetical democratic deliberations under ideal circumstances. The paper argues that we have no reason to adopt this ideal. The paper examines both traditional arguments for democracy and Kitcher's own reasons for adopting this ideal, as presented (...)
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  49. Ian James Kidd (forthcoming). Feyerabend on Politics, Education, and Scientific Culture. Studies in History and Philosophy of Science.
    The purpose of this paper is to offer a sympathetic reconstruction of the political thought of Paul Feyerabend. Using a critical discussion of the idea of the ‘free society’ it is suggested that his political thought is best understood in terms of three thematic concerns – liberation, hegemony, and the authority of science – and that the political significance of those claims become clear when they are considered in the context of his educational views. It emerges that Feyerabend is best (...)
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  50. Philip Kitcher (2011). Science in a Democratic Society. Prometheus Books.
    Claims that science should be more democratic than it is frequently arouse opposition. In this essay, I distinguish my own views about the democratization of science from the more ambitious theses defended by Paul Feyerabend. I argue that it is unlikely that the complexity of some scientific debates will allow for resolution according to the methodological principles of any formal confirmation theory, suggesting instead that major revolutions rest on conflicts of values. Yet these conflicts should not be dismissed as irresoluble.
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