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  1. Antoni Abad I. Ninet & Josep Monserrat Molas (2009). Habermas and Ackerman: A Synthesis Applied to the Legitimation and Codification of Legal Norms. Ratio Juris 22 (4):510-531.
    In this article we consider certain elements of the normative theory of Jürgen Habermas in the light of the proposals of Bruce Ackerman, with a view to strengthening a concept of deliberative democracy applied to the legitimation of juridical rules. We do not construct a hierarchy of the two positions, but seek to bring together certain elements to achieve a common project. As the starting point for examining the work of the two authors, we take the scheme proposed by Habermas (...)
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  2. Philip E. Agre (2001). Supporting the Intellectual Life of a Democratic Society. Ethics and Information Technology 3 (4):289-298.
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  3. Kristoffer Ahlstrom-Vij (2012). What's so Good About a Wise and Knowledgeable Public? Acta Analytica 27 (2):199-216.
    Political philosophers have been concerned for some time with the epistemic caliber of the general public, qua the body that is, ultimately, tasked with political decision-making in democratic societies. Unfortunately, the empirical data paints a pretty dismal picture here, indicating that the public tends to be largely ignorant on the issues relevant to governance. To make matters worse, social psychological research on how ignorance tends to breed overconfidence gives us reason to believe that the public will not only lack knowledge (...)
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  4. Ettore A. Albertoni (1987). Mosca and the Theory of Elitism. B. Blackwell.
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  5. L. Alexander (2003). Is Judicial Review Democratic? A Comment on Harel. Law and Philosophy 22 (s 3-4):277-283.
  6. Larry Alexander (2007). What is the Problem of Judicial Review? In José Rubio Carrecedo (ed.), Political Philosophy: New Proposals for New Questions: Proceedings of the 22nd Ivr World Congress, Granada 2005, Volume Ii = Filosofía Política: Nuevas Propuestas Para Nuevas Cuestiones. Franz Steiner Verlag
  7. Andrew Altman (2005). Democratic Self-Determination and the Disenfranchisement of Felons. Journal of Applied Philosophy 22 (3):263–273.
  8. Elizabeth Anderson (2010). The Imperative of Integration. Princeton University Press.
    More than forty years have passed since Congress, in response to the Civil Rights Movement, enacted sweeping antidiscrimination laws in the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the Fair Housing Act of 1968. As a signal achievement of that legacy, in 2008, Americans elected their first African American president. Some would argue that we have finally arrived at a postracial America, butThe Imperative of Integration indicates otherwise. Elizabeth Anderson demonstrates that, despite progress toward racial (...)
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  9. Carlo Argenton & Enzo Rossi (2013). Pluralism, Preferences, and Deliberation: A Critique of Sen's Constructive Argument for Democracy. Journal of Social Philosophy 44 (2):129-145.
    In this paper we argue that Sen's defence of liberal democracy suffers from a moralistic and pro-liberal bias that renders it unable to take pluralism as seriously as it professes to do. That is because Sen’s commitment to respecting pluralism is not matched by his account of how to individuate the sorts of preferences that ought to be included in democratic deliberation. Our argument generalises as a critique of the two most common responses to the fact of pluralism in contemporary (...)
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  10. Gustaf Arrhenius, The Boundary Problem in Democratic Theory.
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  11. Marcus Arvan (2011). People Do Not Have a Duty to Avoid Voting Badly: Reply to Brennan. Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy.
    Jason Brennan argues that people are morally obligated not to vote badly, where voting badly is voting “without sufficient reason” for harmful or unjust policies or candidates. His argument is: (1) One has an obligation not to engage in collectively harmful activities when refraining from such activities does not impose significant personal costs. (2) Voting badly is to engage in a collectively harmful activity, while abstaining imposes low personal costs. (3) Therefore, one should not vote badly. This paper shows that (...)
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  12. Robert Audi (1989). The Separation of Church and State and the Obligations of Citizenship. Philosophy and Public Affairs 18 (3):259-296.
  13. Khosrow Bagheri (2005). PLURALISM AND THE PLACE OF RELIGION IN A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY: EMPHASIZING RORTY'S VIEW. THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES (THE JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES) 12 (3):29-40.
    Asking about the place of religion in a democratic society refers straightforwardly to the kind of pluralism we adopt. Given that intra-societal tensions mark out a democratic pluralistic society, then it seems that there is no doubt that there should be a place for religion and religious people in it. What is crucial for a democratic society is taking a suitable view on pluralism. There could be, at least, two versions of pluralism: Incommensurable or radical and commensurable or moderate. It (...)
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  14. Susan Bickford (2000). Constructing Inequality: City Spaces and the Architecture of Citizenship. Political Theory 28 (3):355-376.
    Our urban problem is how to revive the reality of the outside as a dimension of human experience.Richard Sennett.
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  15. Andrew Blom (2013). Democracy, Peace and the War System: The Democratic Peace Project. Journal for Peace and Justice Studies 23 (2):3-20.
    The idea that peace prevails in the relations among liberal democratic states, given its first expression in Kant’s essay “Toward Perpetual Peace,” has gathered a great deal of attention in the post-Cold War period as both a testable hypothesis and a proposal for expanding peace through democratization. This article examines the explanations for how a democratic peace is achieved and sustained. It argues that, despite tendencies within democratic state relations toward peaceful conflict resolution, such a peace is destabilized by continued (...)
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  16. James W. Boettcher (2005). Strong Inclusionist Accounts of the Role of Religion in Political Decision-Making. Journal of Social Philosophy 36 (4):497–516.
  17. Corey Brettschneider (2007). Democratic Rights: The Substance of Self-Government. Princeton University Press.
    When the Supreme Court in 2003 struck down a Texas law prohibiting homosexual sodomy, it cited the right to privacy based on the guarantee of "substantive due process" embodied by the Constitution. But did the court act undemocratically by overriding the rights of the majority of voters in Texas? Scholars often point to such cases as exposing a fundamental tension between the democratic principle of majority rule and the liberal concern to protect individual rights. Democratic Rights challenges this view by (...)
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  18. Thom Brooks (2006). Ian Shapiro, The State of Democratic Theory:The State of Democratic Theory. Ethics 116 (2):442-444.
    Book review of Ian Shapiro - "The State of Democratic Theory".
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  19. Matthew J. Brown (2013). The Democratic Control of the Scientific Control of Politics. In Vassilios Karakostas & Dennis Dieks (eds.), Epsa11 Perspectives and Foundational Problems in Philosophy of Science. Springer 479--491.
    I discuss two popular but apparently contradictory theses: -/- T1. The democratic control of science – the aims and activities of science should be subject to public scrutiny via democratic processes of representation and participation. T2. The scientific control of policy, i.e. technocracy – political processes should be problem-solving pursuits determined by the methods and results of science and technology. Many arguments can be given for (T1), both epistemic and moral/political; I will focus on an argument based on the role (...)
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  20. Hauke Brunkhorst (2007). Globalizing Solidarity: The Destiny of Democratic Solidarity in the Times of Global Capitalism, Global Religion, and the Global Public. Journal of Social Philosophy 38 (1):93–111.
  21. Michael Buckley (2008). Two Principles of Broadcast Media Ownership for a Democratic Society. Journal of Business Ethics 82 (4):821 - 834.
    Technological advances in media communications have raised questions about the appropriateness of media ownership rules for traditional TV and radio broadcast. This article contributes to this debate by defending a set of principles that ought to govern the distribution of broadcast spectrum. In particular, it defends principles reflecting the ‹public interest’ constraint currently informing broadcast media ownership rules, and argues against a free-market procedure for distributing spectrum use. The argument relies upon the application of a political constructivist approach typical to (...)
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  22. Simon Caney (ed.) (forthcoming). Political Institutions for the Future: A Five-Fold Package. Oxford University Press.
    Governments are often so focused on short-term gains that they ignore the long term, thus creating extra unnecessary burdens on their citizens, and violating their responsibilities to future generations. What can be done about this? In this paper I propose a package of reforms to the ways in which policies are made by legislatures, and in which those policies are scrutinised, implemented and evaluated. The overarching aim is to enhance the accountability of the decision-making process in ways that take into (...)
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  23. Emanuela Ceva & Federico Zuolo, A Matter of Respect. On the Relation Between the Majority and Minorities in a Democracy.
    The relations between the majority and minorities in a democracy have been standardly viewed as the main subject matter of toleration: the majority should refrain from using its dominant position to interfere with some minorities’ practices or beliefs despite its dislike or disapproval of such practices or beliefs. Can the idea of toleration provide us with the necessary resources to understand and respond to the problems arising out of majority/minorities relations in a democracy? We reply in the negative and make (...)
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  24. Samuel Allen Chambers & Terrell Carver (eds.) (2011). Carole Pateman: Democracy, Feminism, Welfare. Routledge.
  25. Francis Cheneval (2011). The Government of the Peoples: On the Idea and Principles of Multilateral Democracy. Palgrave Macmillan.
    Approaching the concept of multilateral democracy -- The transnational dimension of liberal democracy -- Multilateral democracy from a republican point of view -- The conception of the people in multilateral democracy -- The rational case for multilateralism -- Multilateral democracy: the original position -- Principles of multilateral democracy -- Final remarks.
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  26. Carl Cohen (1975). On the Child's Status in the Democratic State: A Response to Mr. Schrag. Political Theory 3 (4):458-463.
  27. Rory J. Conces (2010). Uloga Hiperintelektualca U Izgradnji Građanskog Društva I Demokratizacije Na Balkanu (The Role of the Hyperintellectual in Civil Society Building and Democratization in the Balklans). Dijalog 1:7-30.
    Riječ “intelektualac” francuskog je porijekla, nastala krajem 19. vijeka. Stvorena tokom afere Dreyfus, uglavnom se odnosi na one mislioce koji su spremni da interveniraju u javnom forumu, čak i ako to znači da sebe izlažu riziku (Le Sueur 2001:2). Teoretičari kao što su Edward Said, Paul Ricoeur, Jean-Paul Sartre i Michael Waltzer dali su doprinos diskusiji o intelektualcima: intelektualca Said vidi kao kritički nastrojenog autsajdera, Ricoeur kao političkog edukatora, Sartre kao čovjeka od akcije, a Waltzer kao brižnog insajdera. Opisati intelektualca (...)
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  28. Rory J. Conces (2008). Zulfikarpasic's Passing: A Time to Reflect on the Important but Difficult Role of the Hyperintellectual. Bosnia Daily (August 22):7-8.
  29. Rory J. Conces (2005). A Sisyphean Tale: The Pathology of Ethnic Nationalism and the Pedagogy of Forging Humane Democracies in the BALKans. Studies in East European Thought 57 (2):139 - 184.
  30. Rory J. Conces (2004). Eine Sisyphos-Erzählung: Zur Pathologie des [Religiösen] Ethnischen Nationalismus Und Praxis Humaner Demokratieförderung Auf Dem Balkan (A Sisyphean Tale: The Pathology of [Religious] Ethnic Nationalism and the Pedagogy of Forging of Humane Democracies in the Balkans). Kakanien Revisited.
  31. Earl Conteh-Morgan (2000). State Integrity and Democratization: Issues, Values, and Paradoxes in African Development. Journal of Social Philosophy 31 (4):488–496.
  32. Rosemary J. Coombe (1993). Tactics of Appropriation and the Politics of Recognition in Late Modern Democracies. Political Theory 21 (3):411-433.
  33. Martin Corredoira (2004). Contra la democracia. Dikaiosyne 12 (7):77-85.
    La nueva concepción de la Ley en la Constitución venezolana de 1999 The new conception of law in the 1999 Venezuelan Constitution González R., Javier La justicia, ¿Una virtud necesaria? The justice, A necessary virtue? Guarisma Mérida, Aidalíz Derechos humanos, interculturalidad y racionalidad de resistencia Human rights and rationality of resistance Herrera Flores, Joaquín El estado de apertura y la esencia del lenguaje The state of disclosure and the essence of language Hocevar, Drina El problema de la libertad The problem (...)
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  34. John Danaher (2016). The Threat of Algocracy: Reality, Resistance and Accommodation. Philosophy and Technology 29 (3):245-268.
    One of the most noticeable trends in recent years has been the increasing reliance of public decision-making processes on algorithms, i.e. computer-programmed step-by-step instructions for taking a given set of inputs and producing an output. The question raised by this article is whether the rise of such algorithmic governance creates problems for the moral or political legitimacy of our public decision-making processes. Ignoring common concerns with data protection and privacy, it is argued that algorithmic governance does pose a significant threat (...)
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  35. Franz Dietrich & Christian List (2007). Judgment Aggregation by Quota Rules: Majority Voting Generalized. Journal of Theoretical Politics 19 (4):391-424.
    The widely discussed "discursive dilemma" shows that majority voting in a group of individuals on logically connected propositions may produce irrational collective judgments. We generalize majority voting by considering quota rules, which accept each proposition if and only if the number of individuals accepting it exceeds a given threshold, where different thresholds may be used for different propositions. After characterizing quota rules, we prove necessary and sufficient conditions on the required thresholds for various collective rationality requirements. We also consider sequential (...)
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  36. S. N. Eisenstadt (1998). The Paradox of Democratic Regimes: Fragility and Transformability. Sociological Theory 16 (3):211-238.
    In most of the vast scholarly literature on constitutional-democratic regimes, the major emphasis has been on the broader social, economic, or cultural conditions conductive to their development, breakdown, or consolidation and continuity (Diamond 1993b; Diamond, Linz, and Lipset 1989, 1990). The major thesis of this essay is that fragility and instability are inherent in the very constitution of modern constitutional-democratic regimes, and are rooted in (1) the tensions between the different conceptions of democracy (especially between constitutional and participatory democracy) and (...)
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  37. Eva Erman (2014). The Boundary Problem and the Ideal of Democracy. Constellations 21 (2):535-546.
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  38. Eva Erman & Sofia Näsström (2013). Political Equality in Transnational Democracy. Palgrave Macmillan.
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  39. Andrew Feenberg (2001). Democratizing Technology: Interests, Codes, Rights. [REVIEW] Journal of Ethics 5 (2):177-195.
    This reply to criticism of Questioning Technology by Gerald Doppeltaddresses differences between political philosophy and philosophy oftechnology. While political philosophers such as Doppelt emphasize procedural aspects of democracy and equal rights, many philosophers of technologyimplicitly assume a substantive criterion of the good centered on thedevelopment of human capacities. Questioning Technology alsoemphasizes the diminishing agency of individuals in technologically advanced societies dominated by large scale organizations and themass media. These themes of social critique complement the main focusof political philosophy. Political philosophy (...)
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  40. Michaele L. Ferguson (2007). Sharing Without Knowing: Collective Identity in Feminist and Democratic Theory. Hypatia 22 (4):30-45.
    : Many feminist and democratic theorists share the presumption that politics requires a pregiven subject ("women" or "the people") whose identity is grounded in commonality. Drawing on Linda Zerilli's interventions in feminist debates, Ferguson develops an alternative account of collective identity that emerges instead from multiple, overlapping, and discontinuous social practices. This reconceptualization of identity demands a corresponding reconceptualization of democracy, characterized by the ongoing contestation of the very subject ("the people") whose existence it presupposes.
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  41. Maria Paola Ferretti & Enzo Rossi (2013). Pluralism Slippery Slopes and Democratic Public Discourse. Theoria 60 (137):29-47.
    Agonist theorists have argued against deliberative democrats that democratic institutions should not seek to establish a rational consensus, but rather allow political disagreements to be expressed in an adversarial form. But democratic agonism is not antagonism: some restriction of the plurality of admissible expressions is not incompatible with a legitimate public sphere. However, is it generally possible to grant this distinction between antagonism and agonism without accepting normative standards in public discourse that saliently resemble those advocated by (some) deliberative democrats? (...)
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  42. Sandra Field (2012). A Democracy of the Multitude: Spinoza Against Negri. Theoria 59 (131):21-40.
    Negri celebrates a conception of democracy in which the concrete powers of individual humans are not alienated away, but rather are added together: this is a democracy of the multitude. But how can the multitude act without alienating anyone’s power? To answer this difficulty, Negri explicitly appeals to Spinoza. Nonetheless, in this paper, I argue that Spinoza’s philosophy does not support Negri’s project. I argue that the Spinozist multitude avoids internal hierarchy through the mediation of political institutions and not in (...)
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  43. Thomas Fossen & Bert van den Brink (2015). Electoral Dioramas: On the Problem of Representation in Voting Advice Applications. Representation 51 (3):341-358.
    Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) are online tools designed to help citizens decide how to vote. They typically offer their users a representation of what is at stake in an election by matching user preferences on issues with those of parties or candidates. While the use of VAAs has boomed in recent years in both established and new democracies, this new phenomenon in the electoral landscape has received little attention from political theorists. The current academic debate is focused on epistemic aspects (...)
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  44. Jerome Frank (1949). The Place of the Expert in a Democratic Society. Philosophy of Science 16 (1):3-24.
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  45. Danny Frederick (2016). The Good Bishop and the Explanation of Political Authority. De Ethica 3 (2):23-35.
    A central problem of political philosophy is that of explaining how a state could have the moral authority to enforce laws, promulgate laws which citizens are thereby obliged to obey, give new duties to citizens and levy taxes. Many rival solutions to this problem of political authority have been offered by contemporary and recent philosophers but none has obtained wide acceptance. The current debate takes no cognisance of George Berkeley’s ‘Passive Obedience’, in which he defends the exceptionless duty of not (...)
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  46. Minou Bernadette Friele (2003). Do Committees Ru(I)N the Bio-Political Culture? On the Democratic Legitimacy of Bioethics Committees. Bioethics 17 (4):301–318.
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  47. Michael Fuerstein (2015). Contesting the Market: An Assessment of Capitalism's Threat to Democracy. In Subramanian Rangan (ed.), Performance and Progress: Essays on Capitalism, Business, and Society. Oxford University Press
    I argue that capitalism presents a threat to “democratic contestation”: the egalitarian, socially distributed capacity to affect how, why, and whether power is used. Markets are not susceptible to mechanisms of accountability, nor are they bearers of intentions in the way that political power-holders are. This makes them resistant to the kind of rational, intentional oversight that constitutes one of democracy’s social virtues. I identify four social costs associated with this problem: the vulnerability of citizens to arbitrary interference, the insensitivity (...)
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  48. Steven F. Geisz (2015). Aging, Equality, and Confucian Selves. In Roger T. Ames Peter D. Hershock (ed.), Value and Values: Economics and Justice in an Age of Global Interdependence. University of Hawaii Press 483-502.
    Liberal democracy aims to treat all adult citizens as politically equal, at least in ideal cases: Once a citizen is over the age of majority, she is deemed a full-fledged member of the community and in theory has equal standing with all other adult citizens when it comes to making policy and participating in the political realm in general. I consider three questions: (1) Is there any plausible alternative to a standard "all adult citizens have equal political standing" model of (...)
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  49. Steven F. Geisz (2006). An Indirect Argument for Strategic Voting. Journal of Applied Philosophy 23 (4):433–444.
    abstract A common bit of public political wisdom advises that in certain three‐way elections, one should cast a strategic vote for one of the top two candidates rather than a conscience‐driven vote for a third candidate, since doing otherwise amounts to ‘throwing one's vote away’. In this paper, I examine the possible justifications for this pragmatic advice to vote strategically. I argue that the most direct argument behind such advice fails to motivate strategic voting in large‐scale elections, since there is (...)
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  50. Ludovico Geymonat (forthcoming). La funzione del parlamento. (l'Unità).
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