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Subcategories:History/traditions: Democracy
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  1. Fabrizia Abbate (2005). L'occhio Della Compassione: Immaginazione Narrativa E Democrazia Globalizzata in Martha Nussbaum. Studium.
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  2. Miguel Abensour (2002). Savage Democracy and Principle of Anarchy. Philosophy and Social Criticism 28 (6):703-726.
    This essay offers only a broad description of a possible comparison between 'savage democracy' in the terms of Claude Lefort and the 'principle of anarchy' according to Reiner Schurmann. First, I shall try to define savage democracy. Then, in a second move, after having clarified Schurmann's principle of anarchy, I shall outline the terms for a possible confrontation of their respective views. The point here is to show the extent to which the contextualization of democracy with anarchy, considered as principle, (...)
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  3. George L. Abernethy (1942). Book Review:Left-Wing Democracy in the English Civil War: A Study of the Social Philosophy of Gerrard Winstanley. David W. Petergorsky. [REVIEW] Ethics 52 (3):378-.
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  4. Arash Abizadeh (2012). On the Demos and its Kin: Nationalism, Democracy, and the Boundary Problem. American Political Science Review 106 (4):867-882.
    Cultural-nationalist and democratic theory both seek to legitimize political power via collective self-rule: their principle of legitimacy refers right back to the very persons over whom political power is exercised. But such self-referential theories are incapable of jointly solving the distinct problems of legitimacy and boundaries, which they necessarily combine, once it is assumed that the self-ruling collectivity must be a pre-political, in-principle bounded, ground of legitimacy. Cultural nationalism claims that political power is legitimate insofar as it expresses the nation’s (...)
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  5. Arash Abizadeh (2010). Closed Borders, Human Rights, and Democratic Legitimation. In David Hollenbach (ed.), Driven From Home: Human Rights and the New Realities of Forced Migration. Georgetown University Press.
    Critics of state sovereignty have typically challenged the state’s right to close its borders to foreigners by appeal to the liberal egalitarian discourse of human rights. According to the liberty argument, freedom of movement is a basic human right; according to the equality or justice argument, open borders are necessary to reduce global poverty and inequality, both matters of global justice. I argue that human rights considerations do indeed mandate borders considerably more open than is the norm today but that, (...)
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  6. Arash Abizadeh (2008). Border Coercion and Democratic Legitimacy: Freedom of Association, Territorial Dominion, and Self-Defence. Political Theory 35 (1):37-65.
  7. Arash Abizadeh (2008). Democratic Theory and Border Coercion: No Right to Unilaterally Control Your Own Borders. Political Theory 36 (1):37-65.
    The question of whether or not a closed border entry policy under the unilateral control of a democratic state is legitimate cannot be settled until we first know to whom the justification of a regime of control is owed. According to the state sovereignty view, the control of entry policy, including of movement, immigration, and naturalization, ought to be under the unilateral discretion of the state itself: justification for entry policy is owed solely to members. This position, however, is inconsistent (...)
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  8. Arash Abizadeh (2004). Historical Truth, National Myths and Liberal Democracy: On the Coherence of Liberal Nationalism. Journal of Political Philosophy 12 (3):291–313.
    The claim that liberal democratic normative commitments are compatible with nationalism is challenged by the widely acknowledged fact that national identities invariably depend on historical myths: the nationalist defence of such publicly shared myths is in tension with liberal democratic theory’s commitment to norms of publicity, public justification, and freedom of expression. Recent liberal nationalist efforts to meet this challenge by justifying national myths on liberal democratic grounds fail to distinguish adequately between different senses of myth. Once this is done (...)
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  9. Arash Abizadeh (2002). Does Liberal Democracy Presuppose a Cultural Nation? Four Arguments. American Political Science Review 96 (3):495-509.
    This paper subjects to critical analysis four common arguments in the sociopolitical theory literature supporting the cultural nationalist thesis that liberal democracy is viable only against the background of a single national public culture: the arguments that (1) social integration in a liberal democracy requires shared norms and beliefs (Schnapper); (2) the levels of trust that democratic politics requires can be attained only among conationals (Miller); (3) democratic deliberation requires communicational transparency, possible in turn only within a shared national public (...)
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  10. Carlo Invernizzi Accetti (2010). Can Democracy Emancipate Itself From Political Theology? Habermas and Lefort on the Permanence of the Theologico-Political. Constellations 17 (2):254-270.
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  11. Brooke A. Ackerly (2005). Is Liberalism the Only Way Toward Democracy? Confucianism and Democracy. Political Theory 33 (4):547 - 576.
    This article identifies a foundation for Confucian democratic political thought in Confucian thought. Each of the three aspects emphasized is controversial, but supported by views held within the historical debates and development of Confucian political thought and practice. This democratic interpretation of Confucian political thought leads to (1) an expectation that all people are capable of ren and therefore potentially virtuous contributors to political life; (2) an expectation that the institutions of political, social, and economic life function so as to (...)
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  12. H. B. Acton (1945). The Device of Government. An Essay in Civil Polity. By John Laird, LL.D., F.B.A. (Cambridge University Press. 1944. Pp. 173. Price, 6s. Net.). [REVIEW] Philosophy 20 (75):89-.
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  13. Harry Adams (2008). Against Plutocracies: Fighting Political Corruption. Constellations 15 (1):126-147.
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  14. M. O. Adeniyi (2004). An Islamic Approach to the Sustainability of Democracy. Sophia 43 (2):95-103.
    The contemporary viewpoint of many scholars is that politics and religion are two parallel discourses which never meet; or that religion is a personal matter which should not be injected into politics. Their argument for taking this stand is that the two are incongruent and therefore, it is better these are left apart. But religion is associated with morals, truthfulness, honesty and a host of moral virtues all of which are mere playthings in the hands of so-called politicians, the consequence (...)
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  15. Jonathan E. Adler (2008). Sticks and Stones: A Reply to Warren. Journal of Social Philosophy 39 (4):639-655.
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  16. Mortimer J. Adler (1945). Future of Democracy. Proceedings of the American Catholic Philosophical Association 20:1-22.
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  17. Mortimer J. Adler (1941). The Demonstrability of Democracy. New Scholasticism 15 (2):162-168.
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  18. Mortimer J. Adler (1939). The Demonstration of Democracy. Proceedings of the American Catholic Philosophical Association 15:122-165.
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  19. Walter Raymond Agard (1942/1960). What Democracy Meant to the Greeks. Madison, University of Wisconsin Press.
    This book aims merely to study the human values that were sought and realized by Greek democracy, the chief problems that it faced, the measure of success and ...
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  20. I. Ahmad (2011). Democracy and Islam. Philosophy and Social Criticism 37 (4):459-470.
    The dominant debate on Islam and democracy continues to operate in the realm of normativity. This article engages with key literature showing limits of such a line of inquiry. Through the case study of India’s Islamist organization, Jamaat-e-Islami, I aim at shifting the debate from textual normativity to demotic praxis. I demonstrate how Islam and democracy work in practice, and in so doing offer a fresh perspective to enhance our understandings of both Islam and democracy. A key proposition of this (...)
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  21. Timo Airaksinen (1982). Moral Education and Democracy in the School. Synthese 51 (1):117 - 134.
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  22. John Alder (2000). Dissents in Courts of Last Resort: Tragic Choices? Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 20 (2):221-246.
    A democratic society does not embody a permanent and internally consistent set of values but attempts to accommodate disagreement between incommensurable values. One of the purposes of the law is to manage such disagreement by ensuring that disputes are settled in a way that advances the interests of stability without foreclosing options. In this respect the function of the formal dissenting judgment has been neglected in the English literature. By contrast there is a rich US literature which reveals an ambivalent (...)
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  23. Hanan A. Alexander (2003). Moral Education and Liberal Democracy: Spirituality, Community, and Character in an Open Society. Educational Theory 53 (4):367-387.
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  24. Hartley B. Alexander (1917). Liberty and Democracy. International Journal of Ethics 27 (2):131-149.
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  25. Hartley Burr Alexander (1918). Art and the Democracy. International Journal of Ethics 29 (1):63-87.
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  26. Robert Alexy (1994). Basic Rights and Democracy in Jurgen Habermas's Procedural Paradigm of the Law. Ratio Juris 7 (2):227-238.
  27. James Allan (2006). Thin Beats Fat yet Again – Conceptions of Democracy. Law and Philosophy 25 (5):533 - 559.
    An earlier version of this paper was presented in Sydney, Australia at the 2005 Australian Society of Legal Philosophy annual conference. The author wishes to thank all those who commented upon and criticized the paper. The author also wishes to thank two anonymous referees from this journal for their helpful suggestions.
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  28. Michael P. Allen (2006). Hegel Between Non-Domination and Expressive Freedom: Capabilities, Perspectives, Democracy. Philosophy and Social Criticism 32 (4):493-512.
    Hegel may be read as endorsing a republican conception of freedom as non-domination. This may then be allied to an expressive conception of freedom not as communal integration and non-alienation, but rather as the development of new powers and capabilities. To this extent, he may be understood as occupying a position between nondomination and expressive freedom. This not only informs contemporary discussions of republicanism and democracy, but also suggests a ‘capabilities solution’ to the otherwise intractable problem of the rabble. Key (...)
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  29. Ernie Alleva (1990). Democracy and the Welfare State, Amy Gutmann (Editor). Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988, Ix + 290 Pages. [REVIEW] Economics and Philosophy 6 (02):322-.
  30. Andrew Altman (1998). Race and Democracy: The Controversy Over Racial Vote Dilution. Philosophy and Public Affairs 27 (3):175–201.
  31. Andrew Altman & Christopher Heath Wellman (2008). The Deontological Defense of Democracy: An Argument From Group Rights. Pacific Philosophical Quarterly 89 (3):279-293.
    Abstract: Democracy is regularly heralded as the only form of government that treats political subjects as free and equal citizens. On closer examination, however, it becomes apparent that democracy unavoidably restricts individual freedom, and it is not the only way to treat all citizens equally. In light of these observations, we argue that the non-instrumental reasons to support democratic governance stem, not from considerations of individual freedom or equality, but instead from the importance of respecting group self-determination. If this is (...)
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  32. José Augusto dos Santos Alves (2011). Da Utopia à distopiaFrom Utopia to Dystopia: The Dissolution of the Democratic Public Space. Cultura:153-168.
  33. V. I. Anastasiadis (2004). Idealized o Eeacgr and Disdain for Work: Aspects of Philosophy and Politics in Ancient Democracy. Classical Quarterly 54 (1):58-79.
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  34. Alice Anberrée (2012). What Personal Responsibilities Facilitate the Construction of a Cultural Democracy? Involvement of the Public in the Construction of a Cultural Democracy. Proceedings of the International Association for Business and Society 23:261-272.
    In France a difference has been established between cultural popularization and cultural democracy. The former is aimed at spreading works of art in as large a way as possible; the latter emphasizes the participation of the public. From there, we argue that moving from cultural popularization towards cultural democracy can lead to a shift in responsibilities from professionals towards the general public. With reference to the theoretical background of reception, appropriation and participation, we lead a participant observation on three different (...)
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  35. Elizabeth Anderson, Sen, Ethics, and Democracy.
    Amartya Sen’s ethical theorizing helps feminists resolve the tensions between the claims of women’s particular perspectives and moral objectivity. His concept of ‘‘positional objectivity’’ highlights the epistemological significance of value judgments made from particular social positions, while holding that certain values may become widely shared. He shows how acknowledging positionality is consistent with affirming the universal value of democracy. This article builds on Sen’s work by proposing an analysis of democracy as a set of institutions that aims to intelligently utilize (...)
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  36. Elizabeth Anderson (2006). The Epistemology of Democracy. Episteme 3 (1-2):8-22.
    Th is paper investigates the epistemic powers of democratic institutions through an assessment of three epistemic models of democracy: the Condorcet Jury Th eorem, the Diversity Trumps Ability Th eorem, and Dewey's experimentalist model. Dewey's model is superior to the others in its ability to model the epistemic functions of three constitutive features of democracy: the epistemic diversity of participants, the interaction of voting with discussion, and feedback mechanisms such as periodic elections and protests. It views democracy as an institution (...)
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  37. Greg Anderson (2007). Samons (L. J., II) What's Wrong with Democracy? From Athenian Practice to American Worship. Pp. Xx + 307, Ills, Maps. Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 2004. Cased, £17.95, US$27.50. ISBN: 978-0-520-23660-8. Hansen (M.H.) The Tradition of Ancient Greek Democracy and its Importance for Modern Democracy. (Historisk-Filosofiske Meddelelser 93.) Pp. 75. Copenhagen: The Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and Letters, 2005. Paper, ???10.74. ISBN: 978-87-7304-320-. [REVIEW] The Classical Review 57 (01):155-.
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  38. Joel Anderson & Thomas Fossen (forthcoming). Voting Advice Applications and Political Theory: Citizenship, Participation and Representation. In Garzia Diego & Marschall Stefan (eds.), Matching Voters with Parties and Candidates. ECPR Press. 217-226.
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  39. Lisa Anderson (1992). Remaking the Middle East: The Prospects for Democracy and Stability. Ethics and International Affairs 6 (1):163–178.
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  40. W. Anderson (1926). Psycho-Biology and Democracy. Australasian Journal of Philosophy 4 (3):191 – 204.
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  41. Sharon Anderson-Gold (2009). Cosmopolitanism and Democracy. Social Philosophy Today 25:209-222.
    Global governance has become a topic of interest to many contemporary political theorists. Issues arising from the nature of global markets and multinational corporations can no longer be locally contained. These developments signal the decline of the nation state and therewith the end of the liberal moral and political theory that justified national institutions. The alternative possible orders appear bleak, including anarchy, hegemonic power or the most horrific of all specters, the liberty crushing “world state.” Kant’s cosmopolitan theory of justice (...)
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  42. Sharon Anderson-Gold (2007). Human Rights, Cultural Identity, and Democracy. Social Philosophy Today 23:57-68.
    This paper traces the evolution of the international concept of a human right to culture from a general and individual right of participation in the public life of a state (1966, Article 27 of the IC of Civil and Political Rights), to a group right to a cultural identity (1992 Declaration on the rights of persons belonging to national or ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities). I argue that the original generic formulation of the human right to culture reflected the nineteenth-century (...)
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  43. AndreasFollesdal (2006). Subsidiarity, Democracy, and Human Rights in the Constitutional Treaty of Europe. Journal of Social Philosophy 37 (1):61–80.
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  44. Stephen Angle (2012). Contemporary Confucian and Islamic Approaches to Democracy and Human Rights. Comparative Philosophy 4 (1).
    Both Confucian and Islamic traditions stand in fraught and internally contested relationships with democracy and human rights. It can easily appear that the two traditions are in analogous positions with respect to the values associated with modernity, but a central contention of this essay is that Islam and Confucianism are not analogous in this way. Positions taken by advocates of the traditions are often similar, but the reasoning used to justify these positions differs in crucial ways. Whether one approaches these (...)
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  45. Agnès Antoine (2007). Democracy and Religion : Some Tocquevillian Perspectives. In Raf Geenens & Annelien de Dijn (eds.), Reading Tocqueville: From Oracle to Actor. Palgrave Macmillan.
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  46. P. Apostolidis (2007). Book in Review: Beyond Gated Politics: Reflections for the Possibility of Democracy, by Romand Coles. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2005. 376 Pp. $75.00 (Cloth); $25.00 (Paper). [REVIEW] Political Theory 35 (4):532-536.
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  47. Fredrick Appel (1999). Nietzsche Contra Democracy. Cornell University Press.
    Apolitical, amoral, an aesthete whose writings point toward some form of liberation: this is the figure who emerges from most recent scholarship on Friedrich ...
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  48. Rodolfo Arango (2003). Basic Social Rights, Constitutional Justice, and Democracy. Ratio Juris 16 (2):141-154.
  49. Anthony Arblaster (1995). Ross Harrison, Democracy, Routledge, London, 1993, Pp. 304. Utilitas 7 (02):343-.
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  50. Anthony Arblaster (1990). Jon Roper, Democracy and its Critics, Anglo-American Democratic Thought in the Nineteenth Century, London, Unwin Hyman, 1989, Pp. Xi + 232. Utilitas 2 (01):162-.
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