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  1. S. A. (2002). Democratic Legitimacy and the 2000 Election. Law and Philosophy 21 (2):197-220.
  2. Elizabeth Anderson (2008). An Epistemic Defense of Democracy: David Estlund's Democratic Authority. Episteme 5 (1):pp. 129-139.
    In Democratic Authority, David Estlund 2008 presents a major new defense of democracy, called epistemic proceduralism. The theory claims that democracy exercises legitimate authority in virtue of possessing a modest epistemic power: its decisions are the product of procedures that tend to produce just laws at a better than chance rate, and better than any other type of government that is justifiable within the terms of public reason. The balance Estlund strikes between epistemic and non-epistemic justifications of democracy is open (...)
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  3. Richard J. Arneson, The Supposed Right to a Democratic Say.
    Democratic instrumentalism is the combination of two ideas. One is instrumentalism regarding political arrangements: the form of government that ought to be instituted and sustained in a political society is the one the consequences of whose operation would be better than those of any feasible alternative. The second idea is the claim that under modern conditions democratic political institutions would be best according to the instrumentalist norm and ought to be established. “Democratic instrumentalism” is not a catchy political slogan apt (...)
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  4. Richard J. Arneson (2003). Defending the Purely Instrumental Account of Democratic Legitimacy. Journal of Political Philosophy 11 (1):122–132.
  5. Ricardo Blaug (2000). Citizenship and Political Judgment: Between Discourse Ethics and Phronesis. Res Publica 6 (2):179-198.
    Political judgment is notoriously hard to theorise, and in the recent debates surrounding Habermas's discourse ethics we encounter classic disagreements around the nature, operation and validity of such judgments. This paper evaluates Habermas's account of political judgment and explores the problems raised by his critics. It then focuses on the contentious role played by universals within his account. What emerges is a reformulated theory of judgment based on the thin universalism of fair deliberation, and a description of a sub-set of (...)
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  6. Peter Breiner (1989). Democratic Autonomy, Political Ethics, and Moral Luck. Political Theory 17 (4):550-574.
  7. Jason Brennan (2011). The Right to a Competent Electorate. Philosophical Quarterly 61 (245):700-724.
    The practice of unrestricted universal suffrage is unjust. Citizens have a right that any political power held over them should be exercised by competent people in a competent way. Universal suffrage violates this right. To satisfy this right, universal suffrage in most cases must be replaced by a moderate epistocracy, in which suffrage is restricted to citizens of sufficient political competence. Epistocracy itself seems to fall foul of the qualified acceptability requirement, that political power must be distributed in ways against (...)
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  8. Thom Brooks (2006). Ian Shapiro, The State of Democratic Theory:The State of Democratic Theory. Ethics 116 (2):442-444.
    Book review of Ian Shapiro - "The State of Democratic Theory".
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  9. H. G. Callaway (2008). Review of Schlesinger, War and the American Presidency. [REVIEW] Reason Papers 2008 (No. 30):121-128.
    This is a expository and critical review of Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. 's last book, War and the American Presidency. The book collects and focuses recent writings of Arthur Schlesinger on the themes of its title. In its short Foreword and seven concise essays, the book aims to explore, in some contrast with the genre of “instant history,” the relationship between President George W. Bush’s Iraq adventure and the national past. This aim and the present work are deserving of wide attention, (...)
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  10. Tom Campbell (2011). The Constitution of Equality: Democratic Authority and Its Limits. Australasian Journal of Philosophy 89 (1):169-171.
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  11. Emanuela Ceva (2012). Beyond Legitimacy. Can Proceduralism Say Anything Relevant About Justice? Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (2):183-200.
    Whilst legitimacy is often thought to concern the processes through which coercive decisions are made in society, justice has been standardly viewed as a ‘substantial’ matter concerning the moral justification of the terms of social cooperation. Accordingly, theorization about procedures may seem appropriate for the former but not for the latter. To defend proceduralism as a relevant approach to justice, I distinguish three questions: (1) Who is entitled to exercise coercive power? (2) On what terms should the participants to a (...)
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  12. Emanuela Ceva & Maria Paola Ferretti (2014). Liberal Democratic Institutions and the Damages of Political Corruption. Les Ateliers de l'Éthique / the Ethics Forum 9 (1):126-145.
    This article contributes to the debate concerning the identification of politically relevant cases of corruption in a democracy by sketching the basic traits of an original liberal theory of institutional corruption. We define this form of corruption as a deviation with respect to the role entrusted to people occupying certain institutional positions, which are crucial for the implementation of public rules, for private gain. In order to illustrate the damages that corrupt behaviour makes to liberal democratic institutions, we discuss the (...)
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  13. Zsuzsanna Chappell (2008). Rational Choice and Democratic Deliberation: A Theory of Discourse Failure, by Guido Pincione and Fernando R. Tesón, 2006, XI + 258 Pages. [REVIEW] Economics and Philosophy 24 (1):105-111.
  14. Thomas Christiano (2009). Debate: Estlund on Democratic Authority. Journal of Political Philosophy 17 (2):228-240.
  15. Thomas Christiano (2006). Debate: Democracy's Authority: Reply to Wall. Journal of Political Philosophy 14 (1):101–110.
  16. Fred D'Agostino (2003). Review: Democratic Legitimacy: Plural Values and Political Power. [REVIEW] Mind 112 (447):499-502.
  17. Phillip Deen (2014). Truth, Inquiry and Democratic Authority in the Climate Debate. Public Affairs Quarterly 28 (4):375-394.
    Recent attempts to legislate climate science out of existence raises the question of whether citizens are obliged to obey such laws. The authority of democratic law is rooted in both truth and popular consent, but neither is sufficient and they may conflict. These are reconciled in theory and, more importantly, in practice once we incorporate insights from the pragmatist theory of inquiry.
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  18. John Dewey (1927/1991). The Public and its Problems. Swallow Press.
    In The Public and Its Problems, a classic of social and political philosophy, John Dewey exhibits his strong faith in the potential of human intelligence to solve the public's problems. In his characteristic provocative style, Dewey clarifies the meaning and implications of such concepts as "the public," "the state," "government," and "political democracy." He distinguishes his a posterior reasoning from a priori reasoning, which, he argues permeates less meaningful discussion of basic concepts. Dewey repeatedly demonstrates the interrelationships between fact and (...)
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  19. Ned Dobos (2007). Democratic Authorization and Civilian Immunity. Philosophical Forum 38 (1):81–88.
  20. T. J. Donahue, Democracy, Race, and Authority; or, Rescuing Democratic Authority From Global Oppression.
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  21. Francis Dupuis-Déri (2012). Contestation internationale contre élites mondiales : l’action directe et la politique délibérative sont-elles conciliables ? Les Ateliers de l'Éthique / the Ethics Forum 7 (1):50-75.
    Dans cet article, j’analyse à la lumière des normes libérales de la politique délibérative le bien-fondé de l’action directe contre les institutions internationales associées au néolibéralisme et à la mondialisation du capitalisme (Banque mondiale, Organisation mondiale du commerce, etc.). Le processus délibératif de ces organismes étant illégitime du point de vue de la théorie de la politique délibérative, les activistes du mouvement altermondialiste sont en droit de contester ces organismes. De plus, une attitude de contestation peut avoir en elle-même une (...)
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  22. David Enoch, On Estlund's Democratic Authority.
    For a state to be legitimate is for it to be permissible for the state to issue and enforce its commands (mostly laws), and for this to be permissible “owing to the process by which they were produced” (2).1 For a state to have authority is for it to have the power to morally require or forbid actions through commands, or the power to create duties (2).2 It seems that a state’s being democratic—in somewhat like the way in which the (...)
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  23. Eva Erman (2005). Human Rights and Democracy: Discourse Theory and Human Rights Institutions. Ashgate.
    This volume explores the relationship between human rights and democracy within both the theoretical and empirical field.
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  24. David Estlund (2005). Democratic Theory. In Frank Jackson & Michael Smith (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Philosophy. Oxford University Press 208--30.
  25. David M. Estlund (2009). Democratic Authority: A Philosophical Framework. Princeton University Press.
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  26. Sandra Field (forthcoming). The State: Spinoza's Institutional Turn. In Andre Santos Campos (ed.), Spinoza: Key Concepts. Imprint Academic
    The concept of imperium is central to Spinoza's political philosophy. Imperium denotes authority to rule, or sovereignty. By extension, it also denotes the political order structured by that sovereignty, or in other words, the state. Spinoza argues that reason recommends that we live in a state, and indeed, humans are hardly ever outside a state. But what is the source and scope of the sovereignty under which we live? In some sense, it is linked to popular power, but how precisely, (...)
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  27. William A. Frank (2007). Authority and the Common Good in Democratic Governance. Review of Metaphysics 60 (4):813-832.
  28. James Franklin (2002). Immigration Vs Democracy. IPA Review 54 (2):29.
    Democracy has difficulties with the rights on non-voters (children, the mentally ill, foreigners etc). Democratic leaders have sometimes acted ethically, contrary to the wishes of voters, e.g. in accepting refugees as immigrants.
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  29. Timothy Fuller (1980). Authority and Democracy. [REVIEW] Political Theory 8 (2):250-252.
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  30. Jason Gao (2012). A Bourdieusian Study of the Use of Media by Chinese Public Intellectuals. Journal for Communication and Culture 2 (2):176-192.
    This paper studies the media phenomenon of “public intellectual” in China and tries to show it entails not only the result of the intervention of mass production of cultural field by the small scale production of intellectual field, but also the necessity of acquiring symbolic capital on behalf of the dominant class of the political-economic field. The engagements of Chinese public intellectuals are socially divided rather than publicly oriented, and the media field under the domination of the political-economic field working (...)
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  31. A. Boyce Gibson (1951). Nature and Convention in the Democratic State. Australasian Journal of Philosophy 29 (1):1 – 20.
  32. Holly Smith Goldman (1981). Two Concepts of Democracy. In Norman Bowie (ed.), Ethical Issues in Government. Temple University Press
  33. Paul Gowder (2014). Institutional Corruption and the Rule of Law. Les Ateliers de l'Éthique / the Ethics Forum 9 (1):84-102.
    The literature contains two concepts of corruption which are often confused with one another: corruption as twisted character (pollution), and corruption as disloyalty. It also contains two sites for corruption: the corruption of individuals, and the corruption of entire institutions such as a state or a legislature.This paper first draws a clear distinction between the pollution and disloyalty concepts of corruption in the individual context, and then defends a conception of disloyalty corruption according to which the distinguishing feature is an (...)
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  34. James Hawthorne, Voting in Search of the Public Good: The Probabilistic Logic of Majority Judgments.
    I argue for an epistemic conception of voting, a conception on which the purpose of the ballot is at least in some cases to identify which of several policy proposals will best promote the public good. To support this view I first briefly investigate several notions of the kind of public good that public policy should promote. Then I examine the probability logic of voting as embodied in two very robust versions of the Condorcet Jury Theorem and some related results. (...)
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  35. David Hershenov, Two Epistemic Accounts of Democratic Legitimacy.
    Offered are two epistemic accounts of deliberative democracy which suggest the reasonable minority has epistemically sound reasons to willingly follow a reasonable majority position. One of these accounts suggests that the truth will be on the side of an overwhelming rational majority. This is because it is less likely that there is a widespread cognitive failure that “contaminates” the moral intuitions of rational majority than a rational minority. The second account suggests that where there is a rational disagreement, instead of (...)
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  36. Graham Hubbs (2014). Transparency, Corruption, and Democratic Institutions. Les Ateliers de l'Éthique / the Ethics Forum 9 (1):65-83.
    This essay examines some of the institutional arrangements that underlie corruption in democracy. It begins with a discussion of institutions as such, elaborating and extending some of John Searle’s remarks on the topic. It then turns to an examination of specifically democratic institutions; it draws here on Joshua Cohen’s recent Rousseau: A Free Community of Equals. One of the central concerns of Cohen’s Rousseau is how to arrange civic institutions so that they are able to perform their public functions without (...)
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  37. Chad Kautzer (2007). Topographia Dominium: Property, Divided Sovereignty, and the Spaces of Rule. In Gary Backhaus & John Murungi (eds.), Colonial and Global Interfacings: Imperial Hegemonies and Democratizing Resistances,. Cambridge Scholars Publishing 57-77.
  38. Nathaniel J. Klemp & Andrew T. Forcehimes (2010). From Town-Halls to Wikis: Exploring Wikipedia's Implications for Deliberative Democracy. Journal of Public Deliberation 6 (2).
    This essay examines the implications Wikipedia holds for theories of deliberative democracy. It argues that while similar in some respects, the mode of interaction within Wikipedia represents a distinctive form of “collaborative editing” that departs from many of the qualities traditionally associated with face-to-face deliberation. This online mode of interaction overcomes many of the problems that distort face-to-face deliberations. By mitigating problems that arise in deliberative practice, such as “group polarization” and “hidden profiles,” the wiki model often realizes the epistemic (...)
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  39. Niko Kolodny (2014). Rule Over None I: What Justifies Democracy? Philosophy and Public Affairs 42 (3):195-229.
  40. Claire Larroque (2014). Corruption de la démocratie et enjeu environnemental : la « crise des ordures » napolitaine. Les Ateliers de l'Éthique / the Ethics Forum 9 (1):167-189.
    Cet article se propose d’étudier la question de la corruption démocratique à partir d’un cas précis, celui de la crise du traitement des déchets à Naples, communément nommée « crise des ordures ». En analysant trois formes ou niveaux de corruption démocratique lors de cette crise, l’article souhaite souligner que le terme de corruption démocratique, loin de désigner un mécanisme précis, qualifie, au contraire, des actes, des pratiques et des phénomènes très divers.La crise napolitaine est marquée, d’une part, par l’implication (...)
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  41. David Lefkowitz (2009). Review of Thomas Christiano, The Constitution of Equality: Democratic Authority and its Limits. [REVIEW] Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews 2009 (5).
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  42. David Lefkowitz (2005). A Contractualist Defense of Democratic Authority. Ratio Juris 18 (3):346-364.
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  43. Annabelle Lever (2009). Is Judicial Review Undemocratic? Perspectives on Politics 7 (4):897-915.
    This paper examines Jeremy Waldron’s ‘core case’ against judicial review. Waldron’s arguments, it shows, exaggerate the importance of voting to our judgements about the legitimacy and democratic credentials of a society and its government. Moreover, Waldron is insufficiently sensitive to the ways that judicial review can provide a legitimate avenue of political activity for those seeking to rectify historic injustice. While judicial review is not necessary for democratic government, the paper concludes that Waldron is wrong to believe that it is (...)
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  44. Annabelle Lever (2008). Mrs. Aremac and the Camera: A Response to Ryberg. Res Publica 14 (1):35-42.
    In a recent article in Respublica, Jesper Ryberg argues that CCTV can be compared to a little old lady gazing out onto the street below. This article takes issue with the claim that government surveillance can be justified in this manner. Governments have powers and responsibilities that little old ladies lack. Even if CCTV is effective at preventing crime, there may be less intrusive ways of doing so. People have a variety of legitimate interests in privacy, and protection for these (...)
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  45. Annabelle Lever (2007). Democracy and Judicial Review: Are They Really Incompatible? Public Law:280-298.
    This article shows that judicial review has a democratic justification even though judges may be no better at protecting rights than legislatures. That justification is procedural, not consequentialist: reflecting the ability of judicial review to express and protect citizen’s interests in political participation, political equality, political representation and political accountability. The point of judicial review is to symbolize and give expression to the authority of citizens over their governors, not to reflect the wisdom, trustworthiness or competence of judges and legislators. (...)
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  46. Matthew Lister (2012). Book Reviews Fox-Decent , Evan . Sovereignty's Promise: The State as Fiduciary Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. Pp. 283. $99.00 (Cloth). [REVIEW] Ethics 123 (1):150-154.
    Review of Evan Fox-Decent, _Sovereignty's Promise: The State as Fiduciary_.
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  47. Matthew Lister (2012). There is No Human Right to Democracy. But May We Promote It Anyway? Stanford Journal of International Law 48 (2):257.
    The idea of “promoting democracy” is one that goes in and out of favor. With the advent of the so-called “Arab Spring”, the idea of promoting democracy abroad has come up for discussion once again. Yet an important recent line of thinking about human rights, starting with John Rawls’s book The Law of Peoples, has held that there is no human right to democracy, and that nondemocratic states that respect human rights should be “beyond reproach” in the realm of international (...)
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  48. Simon Căbulea May (2012). Democratic Legitimacy, Legal Expressivism, and Religious Establishment. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (2):219-238.
    I argue that some instances of constitutional religious establishment can be consistent with an expressivist interpretation of democratic legitimacy. Whether official religious endorsements disparage or exclude religious minorities depends on a number of contextual considerations, including the philosophical content of the religion in question, the attitudes of the majority, and the underlying purpose of the official status of the religious doctrine.
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  49. Simon Căbulea May (2009). Religious Democracy and the Liberal Principle of Legitimacy. Philosophy and Public Affairs 37 (2):136-170.
    I argue against Rawls's claim that the liberal principle of legitimacy would be selected in the original position in addition to a democratic principle. Since a religious democracy could satisfy the democratic principle, the parties in the original position would not exclude it as illegitimate.
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  50. José Jorge Mendoza (2011). Neither a State of Nature nor a State of Exception. Radical Philosophy Review 14 (2):187-195.
    Since at least the second half of the 19th century, the U.S. federal government has enjoyed “plenary power” over its immigration policy. Plenary power allows the federal government to regulate immigration free of judicial review and thereby, with regard to immigration cases, minimize the Constitutional protections afforded to non-citizens. The justification for granting the U.S federal government such broad powers comes from a certain understanding of sovereignty; one where limiting sovereign authority in cases like immigration could potentially undermine its legitimacy (...)
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