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  1. Keith Ansell-Pearson (1995). Place and the Politics of Identity. [REVIEW] Radical Philosophy 72.
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  2. Gloria Anzaldúa (1987). Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza. Aunt Lute.
    Borderlands/La Frontera deals with the psychology of resistance to oppression. The possibility of resistance is revealed by perceiving the self in the process of being oppressed as another face of the self in the process of resisting oppression. The new mestiza consciousness is born from this interplay between oppression and resistance. Resistance is understood as social, collective activity, by adding to Anzaldúa's theory the distinction between the act and the process of resistance.
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  3. Alison Bailey (1998). Locating Traitorous Identities: Toward a View of Privilege-Cognizant White Character. Hypatia 13 (3):27 - 42.
    I address the problem of how to locate "traitorous" subjects, or those who belong to dominant groups yet resist the usual assumptions and practices of those groups. I argue that Sandra Harding's description of traitors as insiders, who "become marginal" is misleading. Crafting a distinction between "privilege-cognizant" and "privilege-evasive" white scripts, I offer an alternative account of race traitors as privilege-cognizant whites who refuse to animate expected whitely scripts, and who are unfaithful to worldviews whites are expected to hold.
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  4. Sandra Bartky (1993). Reply to Commentators on Femininity and Domination. Hypatia 8 (1):192-196.
  5. Elizabeth Ann Bartlett (1989). Sarah Grimké: Letters on the Equality of the Sexes and Other Essays. Hypatia 4 (1):175-180.
  6. Michelle Bastian (2006). Haraway’s Lost Cyborg and the Possibilities of Transversalism. Signs 43 (3):1027-1049.
    This article explores Donna Haraway’s overlooked theories of coalition-building along with the tactics of transversalism. I initially outline Haraway’s contributions and discuss why the cyborg of coalition has been ignored. I then relate this work to transversal politics, a form of coalition-building that acknowledges both the need for more open understandings of the subject and also the threatening circumstances that form these ‘hybrid’ subjects. The intriguing alliance that can be formed between them offers ways of dealing with the fears and (...)
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  7. Linda A. Bell (2007). Visible Identities: Race, Gender, and the Self (Review). Hypatia 22 (2):196-200.
  8. Paul Benson (2007). Feminism and the A-Word: Power and Community in the University. Hypatia 22 (4):223-229.
  9. Sandrine Bergès (2016). A Republican Housewife: Marie‐Jeanne Phlipon Roland on Women's Political Role. Hypatia 31 (1):107-122.
    In this paper I look at the philosophical struggles of one eighteenth-century woman writer to reconcile a desire and obvious capacity to participate in the creation of republican ideals and their applications on the one hand, and on the other a deeply held belief that women's role in a republic is confined to the domestic realm. I argue that Marie-Jeanne Phlipon Roland's philosophical writings—three unpublished essays, published and unpublished letters, as well as parts of her memoirs—suggest that even though she (...)
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  10. Sandrine Berges (2015). Is Motherhood Compatible with Political Participation? Sophie de Grouchy’s Care-Based Republicanism. Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 18 (1):47-60.
    Motherhood, as it is practiced, constitutes an obstacle to gender equality in political participation. Several options are available as a potential solution to this problem. One is to advice women not to become mothers, or if they do, to devote less time and energy to caring for their children. However this will have negative repercussions for those who need to be cared for, whether children, sick people or the elderly. A second solution is to reject the view that political participation (...)
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  11. Sandrine Berges (2013). Mothers and Independent Citizens: Making Sense of Wollstonecraft's Supposed Essentialism. Philosophical Papers 42 (3):259 - 284.
    Mary Wollstonecraft argues that women must be independent citizens, but that they cannot be that unless they fulfill certain duties as mothers. This is problematic in a number of ways, as argued by Laura Brace in a 2000 article. However, I argue that if we understand Wollstonecraft's concept of independence in a republican, rather than a liberal context, and at the same time pay close attention to her discussion of motherhood, a feminist reading of Wollstonecraft is not only possible but (...)
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  12. Debra Bergoffen (2003). February 22, 2001: Toward a Politics of the Vulnerable Body. Hypatia 18 (1):116-134.
  13. Talia Mae Bettcher (2007). Evil Deceivers and Make-Believers: On Transphobic Violence and the Politics of Illusion. Hypatia 22 (3):43-65.
  14. Susan Bordo (1992). “Maleness” Revisited. Hypatia 7 (3):197-207.
  15. Marieke Borren (2013). Feminism as Revolutionary Practice: From Justice and the Politics of Recognition to Freedom. Hypatia 28 (1):197-214.
    In the 1980s extra-parliamentary social movements and critical theories of race, class, and gender added a new sociocultural understanding of justice—recognition—to the much older socioeconomic one. The best-known form of the struggle for recognition is the identity politics of disadvantaged groups. I argue that there is still another option to conceptualize their predicament, neglected in recent political philosophy, which understands exclusion not in terms of injustice, more particularly a lack of sociocultural recognition, but in terms of a lack of freedom. (...)
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  16. Jenny Bourne (1987). Homelands of the Mind Jewish Feminism and Identity Politics.
  17. Wendy Brown (1990). Manhood and Politics. Hypatia 5 (3):175-180.
  18. E. L. Browne (1883). Emigration for Women.
  19. Rachel Burgess (2005). Feminine Stubble. Hypatia 20 (3):230-237.
  20. Ann Burlein (2005). The Productive Power of Ambiguity: Rethinking Homosexuality Through the Virtual and Developmental Systems Theory. Hypatia 20 (1):21-53.
  21. Judith Butler (1992). Response to Bordo's “Feminist Skepticism and the ‘Maleness’ of Philosophy”. Hypatia 7 (3):162-165.
  22. Judith Butler (1990). Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. Routledge.
    Contemporary feminist debates over the meanings of gender lead time and again to a certain sense of trouble, as if the indeterminacy of gender might eventually culminate in the failure of feminism. Perhaps trouble need not carry such a..
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  23. Peter Nathaniel Bwanali (2004). The Foundations of the Politics of Difference. Dissertation, Marquette University
    This dissertation approaches Iris Marion Young's politics of difference as an essential condition for deliberative democracy. It identifies and examines Young's arguments in four areas foundational to the politics of difference namely, inclusion, political equality, reasonableness and publicity. It contends that some of the arguments sustaining these foundations are shaky. Therefore, the dissertation attempts to improve the weak aspects of Young's arguments in order to solidify the basis for the politics of difference and, in so doing, facilitate the development of (...)
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  24. Joan C. Callahan, Bonnie Mann & Sara Ruddick (2007). Editors' Introduction to Writing Against Heterosexism. Hypatia 22 (1):vii-xv.
  25. Charlotte Canning (1996). Feminist Theaters in the U.S.A. Staging Women's Experience.
  26. Anna Carastathis (2014). The Concept of Intersectionality in Feminist Theory. Philosophy Compass 9 (5):304-314.
    In feminist theory, intersectionality has become the predominant way of conceptualizing the relation between systems of oppression which construct our multiple identities and our social locations in hierarchies of power and privilege. The aim of this essay is to clarify the origins of intersectionality as a metaphor, and its theorization as a provisional concept in Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw’s work, followed by its uptake and mainstreaming as a paradigm by feminist theorists in a period marked by its widespread and rather unquestioned--if, (...)
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  27. Claudia Card (2002). On Feminist Ethics & Politics. Hypatia 17 (4):233-235.
  28. Craig Carely (unknown). Nietzsche's Misogyny: A Class Action Suit. Proceedings of the Heraclitean Society 19.
  29. Sue-Ellen Case (1990). Performing Feminisms Feminist Critical Theory and Theatre. Monograph Collection (Matt - Pseudo).
  30. Shirley Castelnuovo (1998). Feminism and the Female Body: Liberating the Amazon Within. L. Rienner Publishers.
  31. Vytis Čiubrinskas (2009). Transatlantic Migration Vis-À-Vis Politics of Identity: Two Ways of Lithuanian-Ness in the US. Filosofija. Sociologija 20 (2).
    Transnationalism prevailing in current anthropological studies of international migration encourages pointing out the other paradigms such as politics of identity and testing their applicability to address the new global flows of human location. The article includes a short account of analytical categories related to transnationalism and politics of identity and also provides a case study of the application of identity empowerment as a research perspective for the analysis of the Lithuanian migration to the US. Two ways – “diasporic” and “recognitionist” (...)
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  32. Lisa Cosgrove (2003). Feminism, Postmodernism, and Psychological Research. Hypatia 18 (3):85-112.
    Drawing primarily from the work of Julia Kristeva and Judith Butler, the author suggests that a postmodern approach to identity can be used to challenge the essentialism that pervades both feminist empiricism and standpoint theory, and thus move feminist psychology in a more emancipatory direction. A major premise of this paper is that an engagement with postmodernism redirects our attention to symbolic constructions of femininity and to the sociopolitical grounding of experience.
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  33. Ann Ferguson (1998). Resisting the Veil of Privilege: Building Bridge Identities as an Ethico-Politics of Global Feminisms. Hypatia 13 (3):95 - 113.
    Northern researchers and service providers espousing modernist theories of development in order to understand and aid countries and peoples of the South ignore their own non-universal starting points of knowledge and their own vested interests. Universal ethics are rejected in favor of situated ethics, while a modified empowerment development model for aiding women in the South based on poststructuralism requires building a bridge identity politics to promote participatory democracy and challenge Northern power knowledges.
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  34. Ann Ferguson (1991). Sexual Democracy: Women, Oppression and Revolution. Westview.
    This is a book in feminist theory and social and political philosophy. Many of the chapters are versions of earlier papers published as journal articles and as book chapters. It presents a multi-systems theory of social domination, discussing three main ones: economic class, gender and (social) race. It presents a maerialist feminist theory of gender and sexuality and discusses lesbian identity as well as issues of motherhood.
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  35. Ann Ferguson (1985). Lesbian Identity - Beauvoir and History. Hypatia: A Journal of Feminist Philosophy 8 (3):203-208.
  36. Kathy E. Ferguson (2008). This Species Which is Not One : Identity Practices in Star Trek : Deep Space Nine. In Terrell Carver & Samuel Allen Chambers (eds.), Judith Butler's Precarious Politics: Critical Encounters. Routledge
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  37. Diane L. Fowlkes (1997). Moving From Feminist Identity Politics To Coalition Politics Through a Feminist Materialist Standpoint of Intersubjectivity in Gloria Anzaldúa's Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza. Hypatia 12 (2):105-124.
    Identity politics deployed by lesbian feminists of color challenges the philosophy of the subject and white feminisms based on sisterhood, and in so doing opens a space where feminist coalition building is possible. I articulate connections between Gloria Anzaldúa's epistemological-political action tools of complex identity narration and mestiza form of intersubject, Nancy Hartsock's feminist materialist standpoint, and Seyla Benhabib's standpoint of intersubjectivity in relation to using feminist identity politics for feminist coalition politics.
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  38. Nancy Fraser (2007). Identity, Exclusion, and Critique A Response to Four Critics. European Journal of Political Theory 6 (3):305-338.
    In this article I reply to four critics. Responding to Linda Alcoff, I contend that my original two-dimensional framework discloses the entwinement of economic and cultural strands of subordination, while also illuminating the dangers of identity politics. Responding to James Bohman, I maintain that, with the addition of the third dimension of representation, my approach illuminates the structural exclusion of the global poor, the relation between justice and democracy, and the status of comprehensive theorizing. Responding to Nikolas Kompridis, I defend (...)
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  39. Marilyn Friedman (1999). Uma Narayan, Dislocating Cultures: Identities, Traditions, and Third World Feminism:Dislocating Cultures: Identities, Traditions, and Third World Feminism. Ethics 109 (3):668-671.
  40. Kevin M. Graham (2000). The Political Significance of Social Identity. Social Theory and Practice 26 (2):201-222.
  41. Sneja Marina Gunew & Anna Yeatman (eds.) (1993). Feminism and the Politics of Difference. Allen & Unwin.
  42. Susan Hekman (1999). Identity Crises: Identity, Identity Politics, and Beyond. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 2 (1):3-26.
  43. Susan Hekman (1999). Identity Crises: Identity, Identity Politics, and Beyond. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 2 (1):3-26.
  44. Shriniwas Hemade (2012). Woman : An Etymological Study - Part One. Aajcha Sudharak - Marathi Publication Devoted to Rationalism (12):508-519.
    This article is about an etymological study of the concept "Woman" and leads towards Feminism. Written in Marathi for the first time ever. Published in a Rationalist Journal from Maharashtra. This is first part of the three parts.
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  45. Christina Hendricks (1997). Fluidizing the Mirror: Feminism and Identity Through Kristeva’s Looking Glass. Philosophy Today 41 (Suppl):79-89.
  46. Ada S. Jaarsma (2010). Rethinking the Secular in Feminist Marriage Debates. Studies in Social Justice 4 (1):47-66.
    The religious right often aligns its patriarchal opposition to same-sex marriage with the defence of religious freedom. In this article, I identify resources for confronting such prejudicial religiosity by surveying two predominant feminist approaches to same-sex marriage that are often assumed to be at odds: discourse ethics and queer critical theory. This comparative analysis opens up to view commitments that may not be fully recognizable from within either feminist framework: commitments to ideals of selfhood, to specific conceptions of justice, and (...)
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  47. Dawn Jakubowski (2004). Book Review: Susan Hekman. Feminism, Identity and Difference London: Frank Cass, 1999. [REVIEW] Hypatia 19 (2):170-171.
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  48. Dawn Jakubowski (2004). Feminism, Identity and Difference (Review). Hypatia 19 (2):170-171.
    Feminism, Identity, and Difference (1999), edited by Susan Hekman, focuses on a set of issues raised by contemporary feminist theory, such as identity politics and the problem of difference, and their implications for feminist politics. In Chapter One, "Identity Crises: Identity, Identity Politics and Beyond," Hekman gives an overview of the various problems created by contemporary feminist theories rooted in identity politics.
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  49. Serene J. Khader (2008). When Equality Justifies Women's Subjection: Luce Irigaray's Critique of Equality and the Fathers' Rights Movement. Hypatia 23 (4):pp. 48-74.
    The “fathers’ rights” movement represents policies that undermine women’s reproductive autonomy as furthering the cause of gender equality. Khader argues that this movement exploits two general weaknesses of equality claims identified by Luce Irigaray. She shows that Irigaray criticizes equality claims for their appeal to a genderneutral universal subject and for their acceptance of our existing symbolic repertoire. This article examines how the plaintiffs’ rhetoric in two contemporary “fathers’ rights” court cases takes advantage of these weaknesses.
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  50. Emily S. Lee (2014). The Ambiguous Practices of the Inauthentic Asian American Woman. Hypatia 29 (1):146-163.
    The Asian American identity is intimately associated with upward class mobility as the model minority, yet women's earnings remain less than men's, and Asian American women are perceived to have strong family ties binding them to domestic responsibilities. As such, the exact class status of Asian American women is unclear. The immediate association of this ethnic identity with a specific class as demonstrated by the recently released Pew study that Asian Americans are “the highest-income, best-educated” ethnicity contrasts with another study (...)
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