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  1. Amy Allen (2008). Power and the Politics of Difference: Oppression, Empowerment, and Transnational Justice. Hypatia 23 (3):pp. 156-172.
    This paper examines Young’s conception of power, arguing that it is incomplete, in at least two ways. First, Young tends to equate the term power with the narrower notions of ‘oppression’ and ‘domination’. Thus, Young lacks a satisfactory analysis of individual and collective empowerment. Second, as Young herself admits, it is not obvious that her analysis of power can be useful in the context of thinking about transnational justice. Allen concludes by considering one way in which Young’s analysis of power (...)
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  2. Judith Andre (1985). Power, Oppression and Gender. Social Theory and Practice 11 (1):107-122.
  3. Stephanie Athey (ed.) (2003). Sharpened Edge: Women of Color, Resistance, and Writing. Praeger.
  4. Maryann Ayim (1991). In Praise of Clutter as a Necessary Part of the Feminist Perspective. Hypatia 6 (2):211 - 215.
    A comment on Susan Wendell's paper "Oppression and Victimization; Choice and Responsibility" that appeared in Hypatia 5(3).
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  5. Harriet Baber, Complicity.
    There appear to be at least two important disanalogies between the situation of women and that of racial and ethnic minorities whose members are generally regarded as paradigmatic victims of oppression. First, in the case of oppressed racial and ethnic minorities it is relatively easy to identify the oppressors and the policies which serve to keep the oppressed in their place; it is not so easy to determine who the oppressors of women are--surely men are not universally blameworthy--nor even to (...)
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  6. Alison Bailey (1998). Privilege: Expanding on Marilyn Frye's Oppression. Journal of Social Philosophy 29 (3):104-119.
    This essay serves as both a response and embellishment of Marilyn Frye's now classic essay "Oppression." It is meant to pick up where this essay left off and to make connections between oppression, as Frye defines it, and the privileges that result from institutional structures. This essay tries to clarify one meaning of privilege that is lost in philosophical discussions of injustice. I develop a distinction between unearned privileges and earned advantages. Clarifying the meaning of privilege as unearned structural advantage (...)
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  7. Paul Benson (2009). Analyzing Oppression. By ANN E. CUDD. Hypatia 24 (1):178-181.
  8. Sandrine Berges (2013). Mothers and Independent Citizens: Making Sense of Wollstonecraft's Supposed Essentialism. Philosophical Papers 42 (3):259 - 284.
    Mary Wollstonecraft argues that women must be independent citizens, but that they cannot be that unless they fulfill certain duties as mothers. This is problematic in a number of ways, as argued by Laura Brace in a 2000 article. However, I argue that if we understand Wollstonecraft's concept of independence in a republican, rather than a liberal context, and at the same time pay close attention to her discussion of motherhood, a feminist reading of Wollstonecraft is not only possible but (...)
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  9. Talia Mae Bettcher (2009). Trans Identities and First-Person Authority. In Laurie Shrage (ed.), You've Changed: Sex Reassignment and Personal Identity. Oxford University Press.
  10. Joan C. Callahan, Bonnie Mann & Sara Ruddick (2007). Editors' Introduction To. Hypatia 22 (1).
  11. Anna Carastathis (2012). Ladelle McWhorter, Racism and Sexual Oppression in Anglo-America. [REVIEW] Symposium: The Canadian Journal of Continental Philosophy 16 (1):250-256.
  12. Claudia Card (2004). The Atrocity Paradigm Revisited. Hypatia 19 (4):212 - 222.
    This essay reflects on issues raised by commentators regarding my book, The Atrocity Paradigm: A Theory of Evil (Oxford 2002). They are (1) Robin Schott's observation of the tension between my discussion of forgiveness and of castration fantasies; (2) Bat-Ami Bar On's questions regarding whether evil is ethical, political, or both; (3) Adam Morton's queries regarding the relative seriousness of evils and injustices; and (4) María Pía Lara's concerns regarding what is valuable in Kant's ethics.
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  13. Claudia F. Card (ed.) (1999). Feminist Ethics and Politics. University Press of Kansas.
  14. Samuel Allen Chambers (2008). Judith Butler and Political Theory: Troubling Politics. Routledge.
  15. Carol A. Chetkovich (2004). Women's Agency in a Context of Oppression: Assessing Strategies for Personal Action and Public Policy. Hypatia 19 (4):120-141.
    : Popular debates about "victim feminism" have receded but underlying concerns about the extent of gender inequality and usefulness of strategies highlighting difference are still relevant. This paper applies Susan Wendell's framework—relating to women's agency under conditions of oppression—to the experience of women firefighters. The framework fits well, but one case reveals the need to modify it by attending to community. An elaboration of the framework is then used to examine four policy issues.
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  16. David W. Concepción (2009). Overcoming Oppressive Self-Blame: Gray Agency in Underground Railroads. Hypatia 24 (1):81 - 99.
    After describing some key features of life in an underground railroad and the nature of gray agency, Concepción illustrates how survivors of relationship slavery can stop levying misplaced blame on themselves without giving up the valuable practice of blaming. Concepción concludes that by choosing a relatively non-oppressive account of self-blame, some amount of internalized oppression can be overcome and the double bind of agency-denial and self-loathing associated with being an oppressively grafted agent can be reduced.
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  17. Jane Monica Drexler (2007). Politics Improper: Iris Marion Young, Hannah Arendt, and the Power of Performativity. Hypatia 22 (4):1-15.
    : This essay explores the value of oppositional, performative political action in the context of oppression, domination, and exclusionary political spheres. Rather than adopting Iris Marion Young's approach, Drexler turns to Hannah Arendt's theories of political action in order to emphasize the capacity of political action as action to intervene in and disrupt the constricting, politically devitalizing, necrophilic normalizations of proceduralism and routine, and thus to reorient the importance of contestatory action as enabling and enacting creativity, spontaneity, and resistance.
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  18. Marian Eide (2008). "The Stigma of Nation": Feminist Just War, Privilege, and Responsibility. Hypatia 23 (2):pp. 48-60.
    If women are not yet accorded the full rights of citizenship internationally and especially in the military context, a feminist position on just war may have to be provisional. Drawing on Virginia Woolf's argument referenced in the title, Eide suggests in this essay that feminist theory develop its principles from women's exclusion from national privileges and argues that jus post bellum or justice after war be central to feminist theories of just war.
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  19. Dana Freibach-Heifetz & Gila Stopler (2008). On Conceptual Dichotomies and Social Oppression. Philosophy and Social Criticism 34 (5):515-535.
    Ramat Gan Academic Center of Law and Business, Israel This article aims to expose the philosophical and cultural mechanisms, which allow some forms of western religion (in this case mainstream Christianity) to join hands with western capitalism in the oppression of women and of the needy. Focusing on the example of the USA, this article claims that both mainstream Christian religion and capitalism perpetuate and entrench discrimination against women and the oppression of the needy through the use of the cultural/philosophical (...)
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  20. Erinn Gilson (2011). Vulnerability, Ignorance, and Oppression. Hypatia 26 (2):308-332.
    This paper aims to understand the relationship between ignorance and vulnerability by drawing on recent work on the epistemology of ignorance. After elaborating how we might understand the importance of human vulnerability, I develop the claim that ignorance of vulnerability is produced through the pursuit of an ideal of invulnerability that involves both ethical and epistemological closure. The ignorance of vulnerability that is a prerequisite for such invulnerability is, I contend, a pervasive form of ignorance that underlies and grounds other (...)
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  21. Karen Green (1989). Prostitution, Exploitation and Taboo. Philosophy 64 (250):525 - 534.
  22. Elizabeth Hackett & Sally Anne Haslanger (eds.) (2006). Theorizing Feminisms: A Reader. Oxford University Press.
    "What is sexist oppression?" "What should be done about it?" Organized around these questions, Theorizing Feminisms: A Reader provides an overview of theoretical feminist writing about the quest for gender justice. Incorporating both classic and cutting-edge material, the reader takes into account the full diversity of women, highlighting the effects of race, ethnicity, nationality, class, sexuality, and religion on women's experience. Theorizing Feminisms is organized into four sections and includes fifty-four essays. The first section introduces several basic concepts commonly employed (...)
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  23. Carol Hay (2013). Kantianism, Liberalism, and Feminism: Resisting Oppression. Palgrave Macmillan.
    This is a book about the harms of oppression, and about addressing these harms using the resources of liberalism and Kantianism. Its central thesis is that people who are oppressed are bound by the duty of self-respect to resist their own oppression. In it, I defend certain core ideals of the liberal tradition—specifically, the fundamental importance of autonomy and rationality, the intrinsic and inalienable dignity of the individual, and the duty of self-respect—making the case that these ideals are pivotal in (...)
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  24. Carol Hay (2011). The Obligation to Resist Oppression. Journal of Social Philosophy 42 (1):21-45.
    In this paper I argue that, in addition to having an obligation to resist the oppression of others, people have an obligation to themselves to resist their own oppression. This obligation to oneself, I argue, is grounded in a Kantian duty of self-respect.
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  25. Jane Hedley (1992). Surviving to Speak New Language: Mary Daly and Adrienne Rich. Hypatia 7 (2):40 - 62.
    As radical feminists seeking to overcome the linguistic oppression of women, Rich and Daly apparently shared the same agenda in the late 1970s; but they approached the problem differently, and their paths have increasingly diverged. Whereas Daly's approach to the repossession of language is code-oriented and totalizing, Rich's approach is open-ended and context-oriented. Rich has therefore addressed more successfully than Daly the problem of language in use.
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  26. Tracy Isaacs (2002). Feminism and Agency. Canadian Journal of Philosophy 32 (Supplement):129-154.
  27. Alison M. Jaggar & Iris Marion Young (eds.) (1998). A Companion to Feminist Philosophy. Blackwell.
  28. Robin James (2013). Oppression, Privilege, & Aesthetics: The Use of the Aesthetic in Theories of Race, Gender, and Sexuality, and the Role of Race, Gender, and Sexuality in Philosophical Aesthetics. Philosophy Compass 8 (2):101-116.
  29. Anna G. Jónasdóttir (1991/1994). Why Women Are Oppressed. Temple University Press.
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  30. Serene J. Khader (2011). Adaptive Preferences and Women's Empowerment. OUP USA.
    Women and other oppressed and deprived people sometimes collude with the forces that perpetuate injustice against them. Women's acceptance of their lesser claim on household resources like food, their positive attitudes toward clitoridectemy and infibulations, their acquiescence to violence at the hands of their husbands, and their sometimes fatalistic attitudes toward their own poverty or suffering are all examples of "adaptive preferences," wherein women participate in their own deprivation. -/- Adaptive Preferences and Women's Empowerment offers a definition of adaptive preference (...)
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  31. Melissa M. Kozma & Jeanine Weekes Schroer (forthcoming). Purposeful Nonsense, Intersectionality, and the Mission to Save Black Babies. In Namita Goswami, Maeve O'Donavan & Lisa Yount (eds.), Why Race and Gender Still Matter: An Intersectional Approach. Pickering & Chatto Ltd.
    The competing expressions of ideology flooding the contemporary political landscape have taken a turn toward the absurd. The Radiance Foundation’s recent anti-abortion campaign targeting African-American women, including a series of billboards bearing the slogan “The most dangerous place for an African-American child is in the womb”, is just one example of political "discourse" that is both infuriating and confounding. Discourse with these features – problematic intelligibility, disinterest in the truth, and inflammatory rhetoric – has become increasingly common in politics, the (...)
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  32. Sonia Kruks (2005). Simone de Beauvoir and the Politics of Privilege. Hypatia 20 (1):178-205.
    : How should socially privileged white feminists (and others) address their privilege? Often, individuals are urged to overcome their own personal racism through a politics of self-transformation. The paper argues that this strategy may be problematic, since it rests on an over-autonomous conception of the self. The paper turns to Simone de Beauvoir for an alternative account of the self, as "situated," and explores what this means for a politics of privilege.
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  33. Maria C. Lugones (1990). Structure/Antistructure and Agency Under Oppression. Journal of Philosophy 87 (10):500-507.
  34. Jen Mcweeny (2010). Liberating Anger, Embodying Knowledge: A Comparative Study of María Lugones and Zen Master Hakuin. Hypatia 25 (2):295 - 315.
    This paper strengthens the theoretical ground of feminist analyses of anger by explaining how the angers of the oppressed are ways of knowing. Relying on insights created through the juxtaposition of Latina feminism and Zen Buddhism, I argue that these angers are special kinds of embodied perceptions that surface when there is a profound lack of fit between a particular bodily orientation and its framing world of sense. As openings to alternative sensibilities, these angers are transformative, liberatory, and deeply epistemohgical.
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  35. Michael J. Monahan (2014). The Concept of Privilege. South African Journal of Philosophy 33 (1):73-83.
    In this essay, I examine the use of the concept of privilege within the critical theoretical discourse on oppression and liberation (with a particular focus on white privilege and antiracism in the USA). In order to fulfill the rhetorical aims of liberation, concepts for privilege must meet what I term the ‘boundary condition’, which demarcates the boundary between a privileged elite and the rest of society, and the ‘ignorance condition’, which establishes that the elite status and the advantages it confers (...)
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  36. Paula M. L. Moya (2006). Book review: Maria Lugones. Pilgramages/peregrinajes: Theorizing coalition against multiple oppressions. Lanham, md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003. [REVIEW] Hypatia 21 (3):198-202.
  37. Mariana Ortega (2006). Being Lovingly, Knowingly Ignorant: White Feminism and Women of Color. Hypatia 21 (3):56-74.
    : The aim of this essay is to analyze the notion of "loving, knowing ignorance," a type of "arrogant perception" that produces ignorance about women of color and their work at the same time that it proclaims to have both knowledge about and loving perception toward them. The first part discusses Marilyn Frye's accounts of "arrogant" as well as of "loving" perception and presents an explanation of "loving, knowing ignorance." The second part discusses the work of Audre Lorde, Elizabeth Spelman, (...)
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  38. Jeremy Pierce (2011). Review of Gender, Bullying, and Harassment. [REVIEW] Men and Masculinities (14):630-632.
  39. Lisa M. Poupart (2003). The Familiar Face of Genocide: Internalized Oppression Among American Indians. Hypatia 18 (2):86-100.
    : Virtually nonexistent in traditional American Indian communities, today American Indian women and children experience family violence at rates similar to those of the dominant culture. This article explores violence within American Indian communities as an expression of internalized oppression and as an extension of Euro-American violence against American Indian nations.
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  40. Françoise Proust (2000). Introduction to De la Resistance. Hypatia 15 (4):18-22.
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  41. Daniel Silvermint (2013). Resistance and Well-Being†. Journal of Political Philosophy 21 (4):405-425.
  42. Jeff Spinner-Halev (2001). Feminism, Multiculturalism, Oppression, and the State. Ethics 112 (1):84-113.
  43. Jeff Spinner‐Halev (2001). Feminism, Multiculturalism, Oppression, and the State. Ethics 112 (1):84-113.
  44. Erin C. Tarver (2011). Rethinking Intersectionality: Michelle Obama, Presumed Subjects and Constitutive Privilege. Philosophia 1 (2):150-172.
  45. Lisa Tessman (2009). Feminist Eudaimonism: Eudaimonism as Non-Ideal Theory. In , Feminist Ethics and Social and Political Philosophy: Theorizing the Non-Ideal. Springer. 47--58.
    This paper considers whether eudaimonism is necessarily an idealizing approach to ethics. I argue, contrary to what is implied by Christine Swanton, that it is not, and I suggest that a non-ideal eudaimonistic virtue ethics can be useful for feminist and critical race theorists. For eudaimonist theorists in the Aristotelian tradition, the claim that one should aim to live virtuously assumes that there will typically be good enough background conditions so that an exercise of the virtues, in conjunction with these (...)
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  46. Lisa Tessman (2009). Expecting Bad Luck. Hypatia 24 (1):9-28.
    This paper draws on Claudia Card’s discussions of moral luck to consider the complicated moral life of people—described as pessimists—who accept the heavy knowledge of the predictability of the bad moral luck of oppression. The potential threat to ethics posed by this knowledge can be overcome by the pessimist whose resistance to oppression, even in the absence of hope, expresses a sense of still having a ‘‘claim’’ on flourishing despite its unattainability under oppression.
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  47. Lisa Tessman (2001). Critical Virtue Ethics: Understanding Oppression as Morally Damaging. In Peggy DesAutels & Joanne Waugh (eds.), Feminists Doing Ethics. Rowman & Littlefield.
    A critically revised Aristotelian-based virtue ethics has something potentially useful to offer to those engaged in analyzing oppression and creating liberatory projects. A critical virtue ethics can help clarify one of the ways in which oppression interferes with flourishing; specifically, it helps clarify an aspect of oppression that can be called "moral damage.".
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  48. Lynne Tirrell (1999). Pornographic Subordination: How Pornography Silences Women. In Claudia F. Card (ed.), Feminist Ethics and Politics. University Press of Kansas.
    Making sense of MacKinnon’s claim that pornography silences women requires attention to the discursive and interpretive frameworks that pornography establishes and promotes. Treating pornography as a form of hate speech is promising, but also limited. A close examination of a legal case, in which pornographic images were used to sexually harass, focuses on the hate speech analogy while illustrating the broad and lasting impact of such depictions when targeted at an individual. Applying the distinction between Absolutist and Reclaimer approaches to (...)
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  49. Lynne Tirrell (1997). Language and Power. In Alison M. Jaggar & Iris Marion Young (eds.), A Companion to Feminist Philosophy,. Blackwell.
    This article argues that the real promise of feminist philosophy of language is in its account of articulated normativity. Feminist philosophy of language began within a descriptivist framework, seeking to identify and root out sexist discursive practices, like naming practices that subsume women’s identity under men’s, descriptive practices that erase or undermine women’s accomplishments and presence as subjects, and so on. This approach had its limits, and led to increased attention to the discursive practices through which we articulate our experiences (...)
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  50. Lynne Tirrell (1993). Definition and Power: Toward Authority Without Privilege. Hypatia 8 (4):1-34.
    Feminists have urged women to take semantic authority. This article explains what such authority is, how it depends upon community recognition, and how it differs from privilege and from authority as usually conceived under patriarchy. Understanding its natures and limits is an important part of attaining it. Understanding the role of community explains why separatism is the logical conclusion of this project, and why separatism is valuable even to those who do not separate.
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