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  1. Jonathan E. Adler (2008). Sticks and Stones: A Reply to Warren. Journal of Social Philosophy 39 (4):639-655.
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  2. Larry Alexander (2008). Is There a Right of Freedom of Expression? Law and Philosophy 27 (1):97-104.
    In this provocative book, Alexander offers a sceptical appraisal of the claim that freedom of expression is a human right. He examines the various contexts in which a right to freedom of expression might be asserted and concludes that such a right cannot be supported in any of these contexts. He argues that some legal protection of freedom of expression is surely valuable, though the form such protection will take will vary with historical and cultural circumstances and is not a (...)
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  3. David Archard (2014). Insults, Free Speech and Offensiveness. Journal of Applied Philosophy 31 (2):127-141.
    This article examines what is wrong with some expressive acts, ‘insults’. Their putative wrongfulness is distinguished from the causing of indirect harms, aggregated harms, contextual harms, and damaging misrepresentations. The article clarifies what insults are, making use of work by Neu and Austin, and argues that their wrongfulness cannot lie in the hurt that is caused to those at whom such acts are directed. Rather it must lie in what they seek to do, namely to denigrate the other. The causing (...)
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  4. David Armstrong & Thomas M. Burton (forthcoming). Book Censorship in France. Journal of Information Ethics.
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  5. John Arthur (1997). Recent Work in Freedom of Speech. Philosophical Books 38 (4):225-234.
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  6. Agemir Bavaresco & Paulo Roberto Konzen (2009). SETTINGS OF PRESS FREEDOM AND PUBLIC OPINION IN HEGEL. Kriterion: Journal of Philosophy 50 (119):63-92.
    New settings for communication are being built, having, at one side, great corporations of television, radio, press and on line media, and at the other side the role of the independent / alternative press, understood as not bound to a private, public or state enterprise or to some economic group. It takes gradually shape the constitution of the opposition between the traditional media and the independent / alternative press, having as a material base the new technologies of information. How can (...)
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  7. Fred R. Berger (1986). The Right of Free Expression. International Journal of Applied Philosophy 3 (2):1-10.
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  8. Sanford Berman (2005). Unmuzzle Us! Journal of Information Ethics 14 (1):5-5.
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  9. Randall P. Bezanson, Art and Freedom of Speech.
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  10. Kylie Bourne (2011). Commanding and Controlling Protest Crowds. Critical Horizons 12 (2):189-210.
    Police and authorities have increasingly adopted "command and control" strategies to the policing of intentionally peaceful protest crowds. These strategies work to close down access to a physical space in which a protest is to occur and thus in turn they effectively restrict the capacity of a citizen to engage in the democratic right of peaceful protest.
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  11. Corey Brettschneider (2010). A Transformative Theory of Religious Freedom. Political Theory 38 (2):187-213.
    Religious freedom is often thought to protect not only religious practices but also the underlying religious beliefs of citizens. But what should be said about religious beliefs that oppose religious freedom itself or that deny the concept of equal citizenship? The author argues here that such beliefs, while protected against coercive sanction, are rightly subject to attempts at transformation by the state in its expressive capacities. Transformation is entailed by a commitment to publicizing the reasons and principles that justify the (...)
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  12. Corey Brettschneider (2010). When the State Speaks What Should. Perspectives on Politics.
  13. Kimberley Brownlee, Civil Disobedience. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
  14. William Bruening (1976). Freedom of Speech: Liberals Yersus Radicals. Journal of Social Philosophy 7 (3):1-4.
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  15. R. D. Catterall (1980). Homosexuality and Freedom of Speech. Journal of Medical Ethics 6 (3):128-129.
  16. Colin Chasi (2014). Ubuntuand Freedom of Expression. Ethics and Behavior 24 (6):495-509.
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  17. J. Caleb Clanton (2009). A Critical Response to Thomas Peard on Sexual Harassment and the Limits of Free Speech. Southwest Philosophy Review 25 (2):57-61.
  18. E. Cline (1995). Here Comes a Chopper to Chop Off Your Head-Freedom of Expression Vs Censorship in America. Journal of Information Ethics 4 (2):18-32.
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  19. Moshe Cohen-Eliya & Yoav Hammer (2004). Advertisements, Stereotypes, and Freedom of Expression. Journal of Social Philosophy 35 (2):165–187.
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  20. Philip Cook & Conrad Heilmann (2013). Two Types of Self-Censorship: Public and Private. Political Studies 61 (1):178-196.
    We develop and defend a distinction between two types of self-censorship: public and private. First, we suggest that public self-censorship refers to a range of individual reactions to a public censorship regime. Second, private self-censorship is the suppression by an agent of his or her own attitudes where a public censor is either absent or irrelevant. The distinction is derived from a descriptive approach to self-censorship that asks: who is the censor, who is the censee, and how do they interact? (...)
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  21. Ian Cram (1998). Free Speech, Fair Trials, Lawyers and the Mediaan Overview of Recent Developments. Legal Ethics 1 (2):119-122.
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  22. Michael Kent Curtis (2004). Democratic Ideals and Media Realities: A Puzzling Free Press Paradox. Social Philosophy and Policy 21 (2):385-427.
    Freedom of speech, press, assembly, and petition have long been celebrated as crucial to democratic government. United States Supreme Court decisions have, quite rightly, justified strong protection of these freedoms because of their crucial role in the functioning of American democracy.
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  23. Boudewijn de Bruin (2008). Media Violence and Freedom of Speech: How to Use Empirical Data. [REVIEW] Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 11 (5):493-505.
    Susan Hurley has argued against a well known argument for freedom of speech, the argument from autonomy, on the basis of two hypotheses about violence in the media and aggressive behaviour. The first hypothesis says that exposure to media violence causes aggressive behaviour; the second, that humans have an innate tendency to copy behaviour in ways that bypass conscious deliberation. I argue, first, that Hurley is not successful in setting aside the argument from autonomy. Second, I show that the empirical (...)
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  24. Danny Frederick (forthcoming). Freedom: Positive, Negative, Expressive. Reason Papers 38 (2).
    I apply Karl Popper’s conception of critical rationality to the question of personal fulfilment. I show that such fulfilment normally depends upon the person achieving positive freedom, and that positive freedom requires negative freedom, including freedom of expression. If the state has legitimacy, its central duty must be the enforcement of those rules that provide the best prospects for personal fulfilment for the people under its jurisdiction. The state is therefore morally debarred from suppressing freedom of expression. I consider and (...)
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  25. Danny Frederick, The Philosophical Case For Pornography.
  26. Danny Frederick (2011). Pornography and Freedom. Kritike: An Online Journal of Philosophy 5 (2):84-95.
    I defend pornography as an important aspect of freedom of expression, which is essential for autonomy, self-development, the growth of knowledge and human flourishing. I rebut the allegations that pornography depraves and corrupts, degrades women, is harmful to children, exposes third parties to risk of offence or assault, and violates women ’s civil rights and liberties. I contend that suppressing pornography would have a range of unintended evil consequences, including loss of beneficial technology, creeping censorship, black markets, corruption and extensive (...)
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  27. Katharine Gelber (2010). Freedom of Political Speech, Hate Speech and the Argument From Democracy: The Transformative Contribution of Capabilities Theory. Contemporary Political Theory 9 (3):304-324.
    Much of the most influential free speech scholarship emphasises that ‘political speech’ warrants the very highest standards of protection because of its centrality to self-governance. This central idea mitigates against efforts to justify the regulation of political speech and renders some egregiously offensive or harmful speech worthy of protection from a theoretical perspective. Yet paradoxically, in practice, in many liberal democracies such speech is routinely restricted. In this paper, I develop an argument that is compatible with both the argument from (...)
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  28. Jonathan Gilmore (2011). Expression as Realization: Speakers' Interests in Freedom of Speech. Law and Philosophy 30 (5):517-539.
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  29. Joseph Grcic (1988). Freedom of Speech and Access to Mass Media. International Journal of Applied Philosophy 4 (1):51-58.
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  30. J. Healy, (ed.) (2004). Censorship and Free Speech. The Spinney Press.
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  31. Lisa Heldke (2007). The Radical Potential of Listening: A Preliminary Exploration. Radical Philosophy Today 5:25-46.
    In On Liberty, John Stuart Mill argues that free speech possesses value because listening is valuable: it can advance one’s own thinking and action. However, listening becomes difficult when one finds the views of a speaker to be wrong, repellant, or even simply naïve. Everyday wisdom would have it that such cases present the greatest opportunities for growth. Is there substance to this claim? In particular, is there radical political value to be found in listening to others at the very (...)
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  32. Lisa Heldke (1991). Do You Mind If I Speak Freely? Social Theory and Practice 17 (3):349-368.
    In this paper, I develop a way to conceive of free speech that begins by redefining speech. My definition affirms the fact that speaking is an activity that goes on among people in a community. Speaking, I will suggest, is an activity that involves not only the present speaker, but also others who act as listeners and potential speakers. I contend that liberal conceptions of free speech have often proven ill equipped to address certain free speech issues, precisely because they (...)
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  33. Adam Hosein (forthcoming). Democracy, Paternalism, and Campaign Finance. Public Affairs Quarterly.
  34. Graham Hubbs (2014). Transparency, Corruption, and Democratic Institutions. Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 9 (1):65-83.
    This essay examines some of the institutional arrangements that underlie corruption in democracy. It begins with a discussion of institutions as such, elaborating and extending some of John Searle’s remarks on the topic. It then turns to an examination of specifically democratic institutions; it draws here on Joshua Cohen’s recent Rousseau: A Free Community of Equals. One of the central concerns of Cohen’s Rousseau is how to arrange civic institutions so that they are able to perform their public functions without (...)
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  35. Susan Hurley (2004). Imitation, Media Violence, and Freedom of Speech. Philosophical Studies 117 (1-2):165-218.
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  36. Susan L. Hurley (2006). Bypassing Conscious Control: Media Violence, Unconscious Imitation, and Freedom of Speech. In S. Pockett, W. Banks & S. Gallagher (eds.), Does Consciousness Cause Behavior? MIT Press
    Why does it matter whether and how individuals consciously control their behavior? It matters for many reasons. Here I focus on concerns about social influences of which agents are typically unaware on aggressive behavior.
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  37. Susan L. Hurley (2006). Bypassing Conscious Control: Unconscious Imitation, Media Violence, and Freedom of Speech. In Susan Pockett, William P. Banks & Shaun Gallagher (eds.), Does Consciousness Cause Behavior? MIT Press 301-337.
  38. Daniel Jacobson (2007). Freedom of Speech : Why Freedom of Speech Includes Hate Speech. In Jesper Ryberg, Thomas S. Petersen & Clark Wolf (eds.), New Waves in Applied Ethics. Palgrave Macmillan
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  39. Daniel Jacobson (1995). Freedom of Speech Acts? A Response to Langton. Philosophy and Public Affairs 24 (1):64–78.
  40. Sharon Kaye (1998). There's No Such Thing as Heresy (and It's a Good Thing, Too): William of Ockham on Freedom of Speech. Journal of Political Philosophy 6 (1):41–52.
  41. Anine Kierulf & Helge Rønning (eds.) (2009). Freedom of Speech Abridged?: Cultural, Legal and Philosophical Challenges. Nordicom.
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  42. E. R. Klein (2002). Whither Academic Freedom? International Journal of Applied Philosophy 16 (1):41-53.
    Academic freedom has become the enemy of the individual professors working in colleges and universities across the United States. Despite its historical (and maybe even essential) roots in the First Amendment, contemporary case law has consistently shown that professors, unlike most members of society, have no rights to free speech on their respective campuses. (Ironically, this is especially true on our State campuses.) Outlined is the dramatic change in the history of the courts from recognizing “academic freedom” as a construct (...)
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  43. Rae Langton (2000). Pornography and Free Speech. The Philosophers' Magazine 11 (11):41-42.
  44. Lawrence Lengbeyer (2004). Rhetoric and Anti-Semitism. Academic Questions 17 (2):22-32.
    Given that charges of anti-Semitism, racism, and the like continue to be potent weapons of moral and intellectual critique in our culture, it is important that we work toward a clear understanding about just what sorts of conduct and circumstances constitute these moral offenses. In particular, can criticism of a state (such as Israel), or other social or political institution or organization (such as the NAACP), ever amount to anti-Semitism, racism, or other bigotry against the people represented by or associated (...)
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  45. Ken Levy (2007). The Solution to the Real Blackmail Paradox: The Common Link Between Blackmail and Other Criminal Threats. Connecticut Law Review 39:1051-1096.
    Disclosure of true but reputation-damaging information is generally legal. But threats to disclose true but reputation-damaging information unless payment is made are generally criminal. Many scholars think that this situation is paradoxical because it seems to involve illegality mysteriously arising out of legality, a criminal act mysteriously arising out of an independently legal threat to disclose conjoined with an independently legal demand for money. -/- But this formulation is not quite right. The real paradox raised by the different legal statuses (...)
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  46. Robert Justin Lipkin (1997). Book Review:Liberalism Divided: Freedom of Speech and the Many Uses of State Power. Owen M. Fiss. [REVIEW] Ethics 107 (4):737-.
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  47. Andrew F. March (2012). Speech and the Sacred: Does the Defense of Free Speech Rest on a Mistake About Religion? Political Theory 40 (3):319 - 346.
    Some scholars have argued that religiously injurious speech poses a serious problem for secular liberal thought. It has been suggested that secular liberal thought and political practice often misrecognize the nature of the injury involved in speech that violates the sacred and that much secular thought about religious injury (and free exercise more generally) is premised on unacknowledged Protestant conceptions of what real religion is. In this essay, I argue against the ideas that secular liberalism tends to treat religion only (...)
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  48. Betty McLellan (2010). Unspeakable: A Feminist Ethic of Speech. Otherwise Publications.
  49. Thaddeus Metz (2015). African Ethics and Journalism Ethics: News and Opinion in Light of Ubuntu. Journal of Mass Media Ethics 30 (2):74-90.
    In this article, I address some central issues in journalism ethics from a fresh perspective, namely, one that is theoretical and informed by values salient in sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing on a foundational moral theory with an African pedigree, which is intended to rival Western theories such as Kantianism and utilitarianism, I provide a unified account of an array of duties of various agents with respect to the news/opinion media. I maintain that the ability of the African moral theory to plausibly (...)
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  50. Zoltan Miklosi (2014). A Puzzle About Free Speech, Legitimacy, and Countermajoritarian Constraints. Res Publica 20 (1):27-43.
    This paper argues that there is a tension between two central features of Dworkin’s partnership conception of democracy. The conception holds, on the one hand, that it is a necessary condition of the legitimacy of the decisions of a political majority that every member of the political community has a very robust right to publicly criticize those decisions. A plausible interpretation of this argument is that free political speech constitutes a normatively privileged vehicle for political minorities to become majorities, and (...)
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