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  1. Wouter Achterberg (2001). Association and Deliberation in Risk Society: Two Faces of Ecological Democracy. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 4 (1):85-104.
  2. Mariclaire Acosta (1990). State Terrorism and Its Effects on the Political Culture. Social Philosophy Today 4:375-384.
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  3. S. J. Al-Azam (2011). Turkey, Secularism and the EU: A View From Damascus. Philosophy and Social Criticism 37 (4):449-457.
    This article deals with the impact of the free, democratic and peaceful accession to power of the Islamic Justice and Development Party (JDP) in Turkey on the Arab world in general and on the Islamic currents active in Arab societies in particular. A main point is looking into how Arab political formations and especially political Islam are trying to make sense out of such recent developments in Turkey as: (1) the fact that traditionally reviled Turkish secularism, Kemalism and westernism could (...)
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  4. Ettore A. Albertoni (1982). Gaetano Mosca's Thought and its Place in Italian Political Studies (1879-1980). In , Studies on the Political Thought of Gaetano Mosca: The Theory of the Ruling Class and its Development Abroad. Giuffrè.
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  5. Ettore A. Albertoni (ed.) (1982). Studies on the Political Thought of Gaetano Mosca: The Theory of the Ruling Class and its Development Abroad. Giuffrè.
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  6. Shaukat Ali (1975). Administrative Ethics in a Muslim State. Publishers United.
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  7. Yann Allard-Tremblay (2014). Political Corruption as Deformities of Truth. Les Ateliers de l'Éthique / the Ethics Forum 9 (1):28-49.
    This paper presents a conception of corruption informed by epistemic democratic theory. I first explain the view of corruption as a disease of the political body. Following this view, we have to consider the type of actions that debase a political entity of its constitutive principal in order to assess corruption. Accordingly, we need to consider what the constitutive principle of democracy is. This is the task I undertake in the second section where I explicate democratic legitimacy. I present democracy (...)
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  8. Yann Allard-Tremblay (2013). Proceduralism, Judicial Review and the Refusal of Royal Assent. Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 33 (2):379-400.
    This article provides an exploration of the relationships between a procedural account of epistemic democracy, illegitimate laws and judicial review. I first explain how there can be illegitimate laws within a procedural account of democracy. I argue that even if democratic legitimacy is conceived procedurally, it does not imply that democracy could legitimately undermine itself or adopt grossly unjust laws. I then turn to the legitimacy of judicial review with regard to these illegitimate laws. I maintain that courts do not (...)
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  9. Yann Allard-Tremblay (2012). The Epistemic Edge of Majority Voting Over Lottery Voting. Res Publica 18 (3):207-223.
    I aim to explain why majority voting can be assumed to have an epistemic edge over lottery voting. This would provide support for majority voting as the appropriate decision mechanism for deliberative epistemic accounts of democracy. To argue my point, I first recall the usual arguments for majority voting: maximal decisiveness, fairness as anonymity, and minimal decisiveness. I then show how these arguments are over inclusive as they also support lottery voting. I then present a framework to measure accuracy so (...)
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  10. Michael Allen (2010). Misrecognition and Domination in Transnational Democracy. Contemporary Political Theory 9 (2):200.
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  11. Ellen Allewijn (2010). Do Mothers Have the Right to Bring Up Their Own Children? How Facts Do Not Determine (Dutch) Government Policy. Ethics and Education 5 (2):147-157.
    The Dutch government has a double moral message for Dutch parents. On the one hand, they expect mothers to work more hours outside the home; on the other hand, they expect parents to perform better in their parental tasks. New research shows again that in spite of all stimulation measures, Dutch women with children prefer their part-time jobs, and parents prefer not to leave their children to the responsibility of day care all week. To what extent is the government allowed (...)
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  12. Scott L. Althaus (2006). False Starts, Dead Ends, and New Opportunities in Public Opinion Research. Critical Review 18 (1-3):75-104.
    Empirical research on public opinion has tended to misjudge the normative rationales for modern democracy. Although it is often presumed that citizens' policy preferences are the opinions of interest to democratic theorists, and that democracy requires a highly informed citizenry, neither of these premises represents a dominant position in mainstream democratic theory. Besides incorrect assumptions about major tenets of democratic theory, empirical research on civic engagement is running into dead ends that will require normative analysis to overcome. Bringing political philosophy (...)
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  13. Richard D. Anderson (1998). The Place of the Media in Popular Democracy. Critical Review 12 (4):481-500.
    Abstract Does media coverage of politics undermine democratic deliberation? By covering the ?horse race? instead of the issues, the media encourage people to believe that politicians place self?interest above the public interest. The media also affect which issues people consider important, and negative advertisements discourage political participation. People learn from the media only because they know so little about politics. Were democracy deliberative, these media effects would undermine it. But democracy is not a deliberation but a contest that relies on (...)
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  14. Sharon Anderson-Gold (forthcoming). Cosmopolitanism and Democracy: Global Governance Without a Global State. Social Philosophy Today.
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  15. Sharon Anderson-Gold (2007). Cosmopolitan Community and the Law of World Citizenship. The Proceedings of the Twenty-First World Congress of Philosophy 3:45-50.
    In this paper I argue that Kant's concept of cosmopolitan right is the philosophical basis for contemporary international human rights. The law of world citizenship or cosmopolitan right is necessary in order to secure hospitable interactions between individuals and states. Such interactions in turn create an international civil culture or "cosmopolitan condition" which 1 is the source of the further specification and eventual codification of human rights. Human rights, I conclude, are universal because of their international significance and scope and (...)
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  16. Mats Andrén (2012). Citizenship, Identity and the Politics of Multiculturalism: The Rise of Muslim Consciousness. By Nasar Meer. The European Legacy 17 (5):685 - 685.
    The European Legacy, Volume 17, Issue 5, Page 685, August 2012.
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  17. Christopher Ansell (2011). Pragmatist Governance: Re-Imagining Institutions and Democracy. OUP USA.
    Barack Obama is often lauded as a 'pragmatist,' yet when most people employ the term, they mean it in the vaguest sense: that he's practical and willing to compromise to get things done. However, the public philosophy of pragmatism, which has been the subject of a rich revival in the past couple of decades, is far more than this. First developed in the late nineteenth century, pragmatism is primarily a way of thinking--an anti-dualist philosophy that attempts to overcome the dichotomies (...)
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  18. Paul Apostolidis (2013). The Eyes of the People: Democracy in an Age of Spectatorship, by Jeffrey Edward Green. Contemporary Political Theory 12 (1):e1.
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  19. Barbara Applebaum (2003). Social Justice, Democratic Education and the Silencing of Words That Wound. Journal of Moral Education 32 (2):151-162.
    Classrooms and schools represent a "culture of power" to the extent that they mirror unjust social relations that exist in the larger society. Progressive educators committed to social justice seek to disrupt those social relations in the classroom that function to silence marginalised students, but neutralising those who attempt to reassert power is problematic. This paper investigates the questions: is it ever justified to use power to interrupt power? Does all silencing subjugate? Arguments for and against the censorship of teachers (...)
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  20. Roberto R. Aramayo (ed.) (2011). Tocqueville y Las Revoluciones Democráticas. Plaza y Valdés Editores.
    Si es cierto que Tocqueville apreció grandes virtudes en el sistema democrático, tampoco dejó de señalar sus peligros. Con arreglo al diagnóstico de Tocqueville, sobre sus contemporáneos –y por ende sobre todos nosotros– actuarían incesantemente dos pasiones opuestas: la necesidad de ser conducidos y el deseo de ser libres. No sabiendo acabar con ninguna de tales inclinaciones contradictorias, nos esforzaríamos por satisfacer ambas a la vez., concibiendo un poder único, tutelar, todopoderoso, pero elegido por los ciudadanos. La dialéctica entre igualdad (...)
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  21. Rodolfo Arango Rivadeneira (ed.) (2007). Filosofía de la Democracia: Fundamentos Conceptuales. Ediciones Uniandes, Ceso.
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  22. Rodolfo Arango (ed.) (2007). Filosofía de la Democracia: Fundamentos Conceptuales. Ediciones Uniandes, Ceso.
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  23. Andrew Arato (2011). Multi-Track Constitutionalism Beyond Carl Schmitt. Constellations 18 (3):324-351.
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  24. Andrew Arato (2010). The Constitutional Reform Proposal of the Turkish Government: The Return of Majority Imposition. Constellations 17 (2):345-350.
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  25. Andrew Arato (2006). Their Creative Thinking and Ours: Ackerman's Emergency Constitution After Hamdan. Constellations 13 (4):546-572.
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  26. Andrew Arato (2005). Constitutional Learning. Theoria 44 (106):1-36.
    Constitutional politics has returned in our time in a truly dramatic way. In the last 25 years, not only in the new or restored democracies of South and East Europe, Latin America and Africa, but also in the established liberal or not so liberal democracies of Germany, Italy, Japan, Israel, New Zealand, Canada and Great Britain, issues of constitution-making, constitutional revision and institutional design or redesign have been put on the political agenda. Even in the United States, given the new (...)
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  27. Andrew Arato (2005). Post-Election Maxims. Constellations 12 (2):182-193.
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  28. Andrew Arato (2004). Sistani V. Bush: Constitutional Politics in Iraq. Constellations 11 (2):174-192.
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  29. Andrew Arato (2003). The Occupation of Iraq and the Difficult Transition From Dictatorship. Constellations 10 (3):408-424.
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  30. Andrew Arato (2002). Minima Politica after September 11. Constellations 9 (1):46-52.
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  31. Andrew Arato (2002). The Bush Tribunals and the Specter of Dictatorship. Constellations 9 (4):457-476.
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  32. Andrew Arato (1994). Constitution and Continuity In the East European Transitions Part I: Continuity and Its Crisis. Constellations 1 (1):92-112.
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  33. Benjamin Arditi (2010). Review Essay: Populism is Hegemony is Politics? On Ernesto Laclau's On Populist Reason. Constellations 17 (3):488-497.
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  34. Enzo Ariza de Ávila (2008). Liberalismo, Igualdad y Democracia: Un Desafío de la Modernidad y Aún Para Nuestros Días. Universidad de la Salle, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras.
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  35. Donald Arnstine (2000). Ethics, Learning, and the Democratic Community. Studies in Philosophy and Education 19 (3):229-240.
  36. Hilliard Aronovitch (1985). The Power of Positive Government. Tulane Studies in Philosophy 33:27-33.
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  37. Richard Ashcraft (1992). Book Review:Democratic Individuality. Alan Gilbert. [REVIEW] Ethics 102 (3):660-.
  38. Leonardo Avritzer (2000). Teoria democrática e deliberação pública. Kriterion: Revista de Filosofia 50 (50).
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  39. A. Azmanova (2011). Against the Politics of Fear: On Deliberation, Inclusion and the Political Economy of Trust. Philosophy and Social Criticism 37 (4):401-412.
    This is an inquiry into the economic psychology of trust: that is, what model of the political economy of complex liberal democracies is conducive to attitudes that allow difference to be perceived in the terms of ‘significant other’, rather than as a menacing or an irrelevant stranger. As a test case of prevailing perceptions of otherness in European societies, I examine attitudes towards Turkey’s accession to the European Union.
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  40. Veit Bader (2001). Associative Democracy and the Incorporation of Minorities: Critical Remarks on Paul Hirst'sassociative Democracy. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 4 (1):187-202.
    (2001). Associative democracy and the incorporation of minorities: Critical remarks on Paul Hirst's associative democracy. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy: Vol. 4, Associative Democracy: The Real Third Way, pp. 187-202. doi: 10.1080/13698230108403343.
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  41. Veit Bader (2001). Problems and Prospects of Associative Democracy: Cohen and Rogers Revisited. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 4 (1):31-70.
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  42. Veit Bader (1997). The Cultural Conditions of Transnational Citizenship: On the Interpenetration of Political and Ethnic Cultures. Political Theory 25 (6):771-813.
    No reverberatory effect of the great war has caused American public opinion more solicitude than the failure of the “melting-pot.” The tendency... has been for the national clusters of immigrants, as they became more and more firmly established and more and more prosperous to cultivate more and more assiduously the literatures and cultural traditions of their homelands. Assimilation, in other words, instead of washing out the memories of Europe, made them more and more intensely real. Just as these clusters became (...)
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  43. Veit Bader (1995). Reply to Michael Walzer. Political Theory 23 (2):250-252.
  44. Alain Badiou (2005). Metapolitics. Verso.
    Against "political philosophy" -- Politics as thought -- Althusser -- Politics unbound -- A speculative disquisition on the concept of democracy -- Truths and justice -- Rancière and the community of equals -- Rancière and apolitics -- What is a thermidorean? -- Politics as truth procedure.
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  45. Tongdong Bai (2009). How to Rule Without Taking Unnatural Actions (无为而治): A Comparative Study of the Political Philosophy of the Laozi. Philosophy East and West 59 (4):pp. 481-502.
    In this essay, the understanding of naturalness and of ruling without taking unnatural actions in the "Laozi" will be clarified and elaborated on, and it will be argued that the "Laozi" offers a theoretically adequate and realistic proposal to address both the problems of its times and some of the problems of modernity.
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  46. Kurt Baier (1961). Book Review:Social Principles and the Democratic State. S. I. Benn, R. S. Peters. [REVIEW] Ethics 71 (3):218-.
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  47. Martin J. Bailey (2001). Constitution for a Future Country. Palgrave.
    This book offers ways to overcome problems that arise when voters, politicians, and bureaucrats pursue selfish interests rather than the general interest in their political behavior. It combines previously published ideas about charging people the costs of their political actions and selling insurance against unfavorable political outcomes, with new ideas about competing legislatures and incentives for generating efficient political outcomes. The book includes new are discussed, as well as a proposed constitution and its rationale.
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  48. Gideon Baker (2001). Civil Society Theory and Republican Democracy. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 4 (2):59-84.
    Calls to ?build civil society?, ?create active citizenship?, ?empower communities?, or ?widen political participation? are growing by the day. They are heard in academia, the private sector, among NGOs and increasingly in government. In short, the rhetoric of self?government, that ideal dear to republicans, is back on the political agenda. This time, however, it is increasingly tied to the category of civil society. Yet can the programme of ?more power to civil society? really achieve democratic autonomy in the way that (...)
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  49. Marco Baldassari & Diego Melegari (eds.) (2012). Populismo E Democrazia Radicale: In Dialogo Con Ernesto Laclau. Ombre Corte.
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  50. Etienne Balibar (2011). Philosophy and the Frontiers of the Political. A Biographical-Theoretical Interview with Emanuela Fornari. Iris. European Journal of Philosophy and Public Debate 2 (3):23-64.
    Philosophy and the Frontiers of the Political is the title of a biographical-theoretical interview between Emanuela Fornari and Étienne Balibar. The interview falls into three parts. The first part retraces the theoretical and intellectual climate in which Balibar received his education in the early 1960s: in this context the study of classical thinkers such as Spinoza went hand in hand with a radical rethinking of the relations between politics and philosophy, conducted in the context of an attempt to provide a (...)
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