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  1. Wouter Achterberg (2001). Association and Deliberation in Risk Society: Two Faces of Ecological Democracy. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 4 (1):85-104.
  2. Mariclaire Acosta (1990). State Terrorism and Its Effects on the Political Culture. Social Philosophy Today 4:375-384.
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  3. Walter L. Adamson (1989). Convergences in Recent Democratic Theory. Theory and Society 18 (1):125-142.
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  4. George Adler (1994). Community Action and Maximum Feasible Participation: An Opportunity Lost but Not Forgotten for Expanding Democracy at Home. Notre Dame Journal of Law, Ethics and Public Policy 8 (2):547-572.
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  5. Mortimer Adler (1939). Problem: In Terms of What Moral Principles is Democracy the Best Government? Proceedings and Addresses of the American Philosophical Association 15:122.
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  6. Joseph Agassi (1989). The Logic of Consensus and of Extremes. In Fred D'Agostino & I. C. Jarvie (eds.), Freedom and Rationality. Reidel 3--21.
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  7. S. J. Al-Azam (2011). Turkey, Secularism and the EU: A View From Damascus. Philosophy and Social Criticism 37 (4):449-457.
    This article deals with the impact of the free, democratic and peaceful accession to power of the Islamic Justice and Development Party (JDP) in Turkey on the Arab world in general and on the Islamic currents active in Arab societies in particular. A main point is looking into how Arab political formations and especially political Islam are trying to make sense out of such recent developments in Turkey as: (1) the fact that traditionally reviled Turkish secularism, Kemalism and westernism could (...)
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  8. Edwar Al-Kharrat (2005). Jack Goody Democracy, Values and Modes of Representation. Diogenes 206:140-144.
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  9. Pim Albers & Wim Voermans, Councils for the Judiciary in EU Countries.
    This 2003 report reflects an explorative, comparative study started in the Netherlands in 1998, into the phenomenon of Councils for the Judiciary in Europe. Councils like these are abundant and come in different sorts and sizes. Notwithstanding all of their differences, Councils for the Judiciary (the umbrella term the report uses to refer to them) in the EU do share a lot of common features. Generally they function as independent intermediates between the government and the judiciary in order to ensure (...)
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  10. Ettore A. Albertoni (1982). Gaetano Mosca's Thought and its Place in Italian Political Studies (1879-1980). In Studies on the Political Thought of Gaetano Mosca: The Theory of the Ruling Class and its Development Abroad. Giuffrè
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  11. Ettore A. Albertoni (ed.) (1982). Studies on the Political Thought of Gaetano Mosca: The Theory of the Ruling Class and its Development Abroad. Giuffrè.
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  12. Shaukat Ali (1975). Administrative Ethics in a Muslim State. Publishers United.
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  13. Yann Allard-Tremblay (2014). Political Corruption as Deformities of Truth. Les Ateliers de l'Éthique / the Ethics Forum 9 (1):28-49.
    This paper presents a conception of corruption informed by epistemic democratic theory. I first explain the view of corruption as a disease of the political body. Following this view, we have to consider the type of actions that debase a political entity of its constitutive principal in order to assess corruption. Accordingly, we need to consider what the constitutive principle of democracy is. This is the task I undertake in the second section where I explicate democratic legitimacy. I present democracy (...)
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  14. Yann Allard-Tremblay (2013). Proceduralism, Judicial Review and the Refusal of Royal Assent. Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 33 (2):379-400.
    This article provides an exploration of the relationships between a procedural account of epistemic democracy, illegitimate laws and judicial review. I first explain how there can be illegitimate laws within a procedural account of democracy. I argue that even if democratic legitimacy is conceived procedurally, it does not imply that democracy could legitimately undermine itself or adopt grossly unjust laws. I then turn to the legitimacy of judicial review with regard to these illegitimate laws. I maintain that courts do not (...)
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  15. Yann Allard-Tremblay (2012). Epistemic Theories of Democracy, Constitutionalism and the Procedural Legitimacy of Fundamental Rights. Dissertation, University of St Andrews
    The overall aim of this thesis is to assess the legitimacy of constitutional laws and bills of rights within the framework of procedural epistemic democracy. The thesis is divided into three sections. In the first section, I discuss the relevance of an epistemic argument for democracy under the circumstances of politics: I provide an account of reasonable disagreement and explain how usual approaches to the authority of decision-making procedures fail to take it seriously. In the second part of the thesis, (...)
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  16. Yann Allard-Tremblay (2012). The Epistemic Edge of Majority Voting Over Lottery Voting. Res Publica 18 (3):207-223.
    I aim to explain why majority voting can be assumed to have an epistemic edge over lottery voting. This would provide support for majority voting as the appropriate decision mechanism for deliberative epistemic accounts of democracy. To argue my point, I first recall the usual arguments for majority voting: maximal decisiveness, fairness as anonymity, and minimal decisiveness. I then show how these arguments are over inclusive as they also support lottery voting. I then present a framework to measure accuracy so (...)
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  17. Michael Allen (2010). Misrecognition and Domination in Transnational Democracy. Contemporary Political Theory 9 (2):200.
    In this article, I locate the Critical Theoretic and Republican themes of misrecognition and domination in transnational democracy, viewed as an emancipatory project. Contrary to John Dryzek, I argue that transnational democracy requires an appropriate account of mutual recognition and personal integrity in order to ground the emancipatory dimension of this project, especially given Dryzek's analysis of transnational contests in forming personal identifications. Beyond this, I argue that the same themes are needed to supplement James Bohman's account of the normative (...)
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  18. Ellen Allewijn (2010). Do Mothers Have the Right to Bring Up Their Own Children? How Facts Do Not Determine (Dutch) Government Policy. Ethics and Education 5 (2):147-157.
    The Dutch government has a double moral message for Dutch parents. On the one hand, they expect mothers to work more hours outside the home; on the other hand, they expect parents to perform better in their parental tasks. New research shows again that in spite of all stimulation measures, Dutch women with children prefer their part-time jobs, and parents prefer not to leave their children to the responsibility of day care all week. To what extent is the government allowed (...)
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  19. Scott L. Althaus (2006). False Starts, Dead Ends, and New Opportunities in Public Opinion Research. Critical Review 18 (1-3):75-104.
    Empirical research on public opinion has tended to misjudge the normative rationales for modern democracy. Although it is often presumed that citizens' policy preferences are the opinions of interest to democratic theorists, and that democracy requires a highly informed citizenry, neither of these premises represents a dominant position in mainstream democratic theory. Besides incorrect assumptions about major tenets of democratic theory, empirical research on civic engagement is running into dead ends that will require normative analysis to overcome. Bringing political philosophy (...)
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  20. Fahad H. Alzaid (1993). Participatory Democracy in the Islamic State and Community. Dissertation, Southern Illinois University at Carbondale
    In the dissertation I will attempt to put forth and demonstrate the following: The incompatibility of the Islamic state and community with revisionist democracy. In essence, revisionist democracy is nothing more than reassertion of classical liberal democracy and which is defined as a method of choosing between competing elites. Mayo's four principles elaborating on the revisionist brand of democracy are: popular control of policy makers; political equality ; effectiveness of popular control ; and, the majority principle. The second theme will (...)
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  21. Richard D. Anderson (1998). The Place of the Media in Popular Democracy. Critical Review 12 (4):481-500.
    Abstract Does media coverage of politics undermine democratic deliberation? By covering the ?horse race? instead of the issues, the media encourage people to believe that politicians place self?interest above the public interest. The media also affect which issues people consider important, and negative advertisements discourage political participation. People learn from the media only because they know so little about politics. Were democracy deliberative, these media effects would undermine it. But democracy is not a deliberation but a contest that relies on (...)
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  22. Sharon Anderson-Gold (2009). Cosmopolitanism and Democracy: Global Governance Without a Global State. Social Philosophy Today 25:209-222.
    Global governance has become a topic of interest to many contemporary political theorists. Issues arising from the nature of global markets and multinational corporations can no longer be locally contained. These developments signal the decline of the nation state and therewith the end of the liberal moral and political theory that justified national institutions. The alternative possible orders appear bleak, including anarchy, hegemonic power or the most horrific of all specters, the liberty crushing “world state.” Kant’s cosmopolitan theory of justice (...)
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  23. Sharon Anderson-Gold (2007). Cosmopolitan Community and the Law of World Citizenship. The Proceedings of the Twenty-First World Congress of Philosophy 3:45-50.
    In this paper I argue that Kant's concept of cosmopolitan right is the philosophical basis for contemporary international human rights. The law of world citizenship or cosmopolitan right is necessary in order to secure hospitable interactions between individuals and states. Such interactions in turn create an international civil culture or "cosmopolitan condition" which 1 is the source of the further specification and eventual codification of human rights. Human rights, I conclude, are universal because of their international significance and scope and (...)
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  24. Mats Andrén (2012). Citizenship, Identity and the Politics of Multiculturalism: The Rise of Muslim Consciousness. By Nasar Meer. The European Legacy 17 (5):685 - 685.
    The European Legacy, Volume 17, Issue 5, Page 685, August 2012.
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  25. Christopher Ansell (2011). Pragmatist Governance: Re-Imagining Institutions and Democracy. OUP USA.
    Barack Obama is often lauded as a 'pragmatist,' yet when most people employ the term, they mean it in the vaguest sense: that he's practical and willing to compromise to get things done. However, the public philosophy of pragmatism, which has been the subject of a rich revival in the past couple of decades, is far more than this. First developed in the late nineteenth century, pragmatism is primarily a way of thinking--an anti-dualist philosophy that attempts to overcome the dichotomies (...)
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  26. Paul Apostolidis (2013). The Eyes of the People: Democracy in an Age of Spectatorship, by Jeffrey Edward Green. Contemporary Political Theory 12 (1):e1.
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  27. Jacek Kuroń\'S. Appeal (2002). Let\'s Call for a Civil Movenment. Dialogue and Universalism 12 (3):101-102.
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  28. Barbara Applebaum (2003). Social Justice, Democratic Education and the Silencing of Words That Wound. Journal of Moral Education 32 (2):151-162.
    Classrooms and schools represent a "culture of power" to the extent that they mirror unjust social relations that exist in the larger society. Progressive educators committed to social justice seek to disrupt those social relations in the classroom that function to silence marginalised students, but neutralising those who attempt to reassert power is problematic. This paper investigates the questions: is it ever justified to use power to interrupt power? Does all silencing subjugate? Arguments for and against the censorship of teachers (...)
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  29. Roberto R. Aramayo (ed.) (2011). Tocqueville y Las Revoluciones Democráticas. Plaza y Valdés Editores.
    Si es cierto que Tocqueville apreció grandes virtudes en el sistema democrático, tampoco dejó de señalar sus peligros. Con arreglo al diagnóstico de Tocqueville, sobre sus contemporáneos –y por ende sobre todos nosotros– actuarían incesantemente dos pasiones opuestas: la necesidad de ser conducidos y el deseo de ser libres. No sabiendo acabar con ninguna de tales inclinaciones contradictorias, nos esforzaríamos por satisfacer ambas a la vez., concibiendo un poder único, tutelar, todopoderoso, pero elegido por los ciudadanos. La dialéctica entre igualdad (...)
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  30. Fernando Aranda Fraga (2013). Hegel y la doble dimensión de la libertad: civil y estatal. Estudios de Filosofía 27:41-73.
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  31. Rodolfo Arango Rivadeneira (ed.) (2007). Filosofía de la Democracia: Fundamentos Conceptuales. Ediciones Uniandes, Ceso.
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  32. Rodolfo Arango (ed.) (2007). Filosofía de la Democracia: Fundamentos Conceptuales. Ediciones Uniandes, Ceso.
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  33. Andrew Arato (2011). Multi-Track Constitutionalism Beyond Carl Schmitt. Constellations 18 (3):324-351.
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  34. Andrew Arato (2010). The Constitutional Reform Proposal of the Turkish Government: The Return of Majority Imposition. Constellations 17 (2):345-350.
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  35. Andrew Arato (2006). Their Creative Thinking and Ours: Ackerman's Emergency Constitution After Hamdan. Constellations 13 (4):546-572.
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  36. Andrew Arato (2005). Constitutional Learning. Theoria 44 (106):1-36.
    Constitutional politics has returned in our time in a truly dramatic way. In the last 25 years, not only in the new or restored democracies of South and East Europe, Latin America and Africa, but also in the established liberal or not so liberal democracies of Germany, Italy, Japan, Israel, New Zealand, Canada and Great Britain, issues of constitution-making, constitutional revision and institutional design or redesign have been put on the political agenda. Even in the United States, given the new (...)
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  37. Andrew Arato (2005). Post-Election Maxims. Constellations 12 (2):182-193.
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  38. Andrew Arato (2004). Sistani V. Bush: Constitutional Politics in Iraq. Constellations 11 (2):174-192.
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  39. Andrew Arato (2003). The Occupation of Iraq and the Difficult Transition From Dictatorship. Constellations 10 (3):408-424.
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  40. Andrew Arato (2002). Minima Politica after September 11. Constellations 9 (1):46-52.
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  41. Andrew Arato (2002). The Bush Tribunals and the Specter of Dictatorship. Constellations 9 (4):457-476.
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  42. Andrew Arato (1994). Constitution and Continuity In the East European Transitions Part I: Continuity and Its Crisis. Constellations 1 (1):92-112.
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  43. David Archard (1995). Cultural Pluralism and Moral Knowledge; Explaining Political Disagreement. [REVIEW] Radical Philosophy 74.
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  44. David Archard (1994). Democracy, Democracy and Difference. [REVIEW] Radical Philosophy 68.
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  45. Benjamin Arditi (2010). Review Essay: Populism is Hegemony is Politics? On Ernesto Laclau's On Populist Reason. Constellations 17 (3):488-497.
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  46. Enzo Ariza de Ávila (2008). Liberalismo, Igualdad y Democracia: Un Desafío de la Modernidad y Aún Para Nuestros Días. Universidad de la Salle, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras.
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  47. Donald Arnstine (2000). Ethics, Learning, and the Democratic Community. Studies in Philosophy and Education 19 (3):229-240.
  48. Hilliard Aronovitch (1985). The Power of Positive Government. Tulane Studies in Philosophy 33:27-33.
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  49. Richard Ashcraft (1992). Book Review:Democratic Individuality. Alan Gilbert. [REVIEW] Ethics 102 (3):660-.
  50. Leonardo Avritzer (2000). Teoria democrática e deliberação pública. Kriterion: Revista de Filosofia 50 (50).
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