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  1. [author unknown] (2011). Die Moral Zwischenstaatlicher Politik Im Klassischen Griechenland : Thukydides Und Sein Kontext. In Ernst Baltrusch & Christian Wendt (eds.), Ein Besitz für Immer?: Geschichte, Polis, Und Völkerrecht Bei Thukydides. Nomos
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  2. Makram Abbes (2014). Can We Speak Of Just War In Islam? History of Political Thought 35 (2):234-261.
    Moving away from received ideas and apologetic readings, this article deals with the notion of 'just war' in Islam as it appears in a series of different texts in order to demonstrate how thought on this subject has evolved from the birth of Islam in the seventh century through to the recent developments of the twenty-first century. Moving beyond a theoretical framework that analyses the criteria of just war according to Western definitions, this article traces its discursive presence throughout various (...)
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  3. R. Abbey (1998). Mediocrity Versus Meritocracy: Nietzsche's (Mis)Reading of Chamfort. History of Political Thought 19 (3):457-483.
    This article challenges the claim that Friedrich Nietzsche is a good reader of the French moralist, Chamfort, when it comes to Chamfort's politics. Chamfort is a meritocrat rather than the bitter egalitarian Nietzsche protrays him to be. Moreover, the moralist's meritocratic beliefs, his hopes for a new social order and the emergence of a new aristocracy resemble many of Nietzsche's own values. Had Nietzsche read Chamfort as a meritocrat, he could have found much to stimulate and clarify his own thoughts (...)
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  4. F. Abdel-Nour & B. Cook (2014). As If They Could Be Brought to Account: How Athenians Managed the Political Unaccountability of Citizens. History of Political Thought 35 (3):436-457.
    The political unaccountability of ordinary citizens in classical Athens was originally raised as a challenge by ancient critics of democracy. In tension with that criticism, the authors argue that attention to the above challenge is consistent with a defence of Athenian democratic politics. In fact, ordinary citizens' function in the Assembly and courts implicitly included the burden of justifying their own political decisions to an imagined authority, as if they could be brought to account. Byeans of practices that encouraged this (...)
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  5. Arash Abizadeh (2005). Was Fichte an Ethnic Nationalist? On Cultural Nationalism and its Double. History of Political Thought 26 (2):334-359.
    Even though Fichte’s Reden an die deutsche Nation or Addresses to the German Nation is arguably one of the founding texts of nationalist political thought, it has received little scholarly attention from English-speaking political theorists. The French, by contrast, have a long tradition of treating Fichte as a central figure in the history of political thought, and have given considerable attention to the Reden in particular. While the dominant French interpretation, which construes the Reden as a non-ethnic cultural nationalist text, (...)
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  6. Arash Abizadeh (2001). Banishing the Particular: Rousseau on Rhetoric, Patrie, and the Passions. Political Theory 29 (4):556-582.
    Rousseau initially attempts to secure freedom by grounding political rule in persuasion, rather than coercion. When the spectre of rhetoric undermines this strategy, he is led to ground the volonté générale in the silent and introspective disclosure of the solitary citizen’s inner conscience, which through a sentimentalist transformation of Descartes’s category of bon sens, is recast as an eminently public sentiment. But when rhetorical eloquence turns out to be indispensable to politics, Rousseau turns to republican virtue and the trope of (...)
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  7. Jacob Abolafia (2014). Spinoza, Josephism And The Critique Of The Hebrew Republic. History of Political Thought 35 (2):295-316.
    This paper attempts to treat Spinoza's Tractatus Theologico Politicus in the context of recent work on 'political Hebraism'. First it examines the role of the ancient historian Flavius Josephus in the general context of political Hebraism, and then it discusses his place in Spinoza's writings more specifically. The argument attempts to show that a particular mode of reading Josephus emerged in the political Hebraist tradition, and that Spinoza may be seen as both the end of this tradition and a sophisticated (...)
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  8. H. B. Acton (1974). The Idea of a Spiritual Power: Auguste Comte Memorial Trust Lecture, Delivered on 15 May 1973 at the London School of Economics and Political Science. [REVIEW] Athlone Press.
  9. H. B. Acton (1954). Henri Comte de Saint-Simon. Selected Writings. Edited and Translated by F. M. H. Markham. (Blackwell's Political Texts. Oxford: Basil Black–Well, 1952. Pp. Xlix + 116. Price 12s. 6d. Net.). [REVIEW] Philosophy 29 (111):381-.
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  10. Ezequiel Adamovsky (2005). Aristotle, Diderot, Liberalism and the Idea of 'Middle Class': A Comparision of Two Contexts of Emergence of a Metaphorical Formation. History of Political Thought 26 (2):303-333.
    This article seeks to contribute to the history of the idea of 'middle class', an idea that was fundamental to Aristotle's philosophy but disappeared from the repertoire of political thinking for centuries, re-emerging shortly before the French Revolution to be developed by Diderot and other French liberals. The modern notion of 'middle class' is compared with that of Aristotle, and the similarities between the two contexts of emergence -- the crisis of Ancient Greek democracy and that of the French Ancien (...)
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  11. Colin Adams (2000). Alexandria and Rome G. Grimm: Alexandria. Die Erste Königsstadt der Hellenistischen Welt . Pp. 168, 152 Ills, Maps. Mainz Am Rhein: Philipp Von Zabern, 1998. Cased, Dm 68. Isbn: 3-8053-2337-9. A. Lampela: Rome and the Ptolemies of Egypt. The Development of Their Political Relations 273–80 B.C . Pp. 301. Helsinki: Societas Scientiarum Fennica, 1998. Paper. Isbn: 951-653-295-. [REVIEW] The Classical Review 50 (01):195-.
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  12. Matthew Adams (2014). Rejecting the American Model: Peter Kropotkin's Radical Communalism. History of Political Thought 35 (1):147-173.
    Kropotkin's anarchism looked to a future defined by communalism. However, his understanding of this potential communal future has rarely been subject to analysis. Particularly important was his distinction between communalism and the tradition of communal experimentation in the US, which drew heavily on the ideas of Charles Fourier. Kropotkin was influenced by Fourier, but thought that attempts to found phalanstèries had been disastrous, vitiating the power of communalist propaganda. To defend the idea of a communal future, Kropotkin therefore advanced a (...)
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  13. Walter L. Adamson (1993). Avant-Garde Political Rhetorics: Prewar Culture in Florence as a Source of Postwar Fascism. History of European Ideas 16 (4-6):753-757.
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  14. Walter L. Adamson (1980). Gramsci's Interpretation of Fascism. Journal of the History of Ideas 41 (4):615-633.
    Gramsci, An italian marxist intellectual politically active when fascism rose and later imprisoned by mussolini, Offers a sensitive and non-Stereotyped communist interpretation of fascism. He rejected the crude "fascism as last stage of capitalism thesis," the view that it was merely the "agent of the big bourgeoisie" and even the view that it reflected a particular set of class interests. He recognized that it was not merely reactionary, That it had complex internal divisions, That it exemplified the "relative autonomy of (...)
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  15. R. Adcock (2003). The Emergence of Political Science as a Discipline: History and the Study of Politics in America 1875-1910. History of Political Thought 24 (3):481-508.
    This article explores the emergence of the American 'political scientist' around the turn of the twentieth century. It first recovers the network of beliefs that ordered the tradition of historico-politics -- an intellectual tradition that in the 1880s constituted a dominant field within newly professionalized American social inquiry. The article then charts the divergent responses of turn-of-the-century scholars to the declining persuasiveness of core organizing beliefs of this tradition, responses through which the earlier field split along now-familiar disciplinary divides, as (...)
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  16. A. W. H. Adkins (1984). The Connection Between Aristotle's Ethics and Politics. Political Theory 12 (1):29-49.
  17. A. W. H. Adkins (1972). Moral Values and Political Behaviour in Ancient Greece: From Homer to the End of the Fifth Century. London,Chatto and Windus.
  18. A. W. H. Adkins (1972). Moral Values and Political Behaviour in Ancient Greece. New York,Norton.
  19. S. Ahbel-Rappe (2006). Platonopolis: Platonic Political Philosophy in Late Antiquity. Philosophical Review 115 (4):527-529.
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  20. Doohwan Ahn (2011). From Greece to Babylon:The Political Thought of Andrew Michael Ramsay (1686–1743). History of European Ideas 37 (4):421-437.
    This paper explores the political thought of Andrew Michael Ramsay with particular reference to his highly acclaimed book called A New Cyropaedia, or the Travels of Cyrus (1727). Dedicated to Prince Charles Edward Stuart, the Young Pretender, to whom he was tutor, this work has been hitherto viewed as a Jacobite imitation of the Telemachus, Son of Ulysses(1699) of his eminent teacher archbishop Fénelon of Cambrai. By tracing the dual legacy of the first Persian Emperor Cyrus in Western thought, I (...)
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  21. Peter J. Ahrensdorf (2009). Greek Tragedy and Political Philosophy: Rationalism and Religion in Sophocles' Theban Plays. Cambridge University Press.
    Oedipus the tyrant and the limits of political rationalism -- Blind faith and enlightened statesmanship in Oedipus at colonus -- The pious heroism of Antigone -- Conclusion: Nietzsche, Plato, and Aristotle on philosophy and tragedy.
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  22. Timo Airaksinen (2012). Great Books, Bad Arguments: Republic, Leviathan and The Communist Manifesto. Hobbes Studies 24 (2):192-195.
  23. Thomas L. Akehurst (2009). British Analytica Philosophy: The Politics of an Apolitical Culture. History of Political Thought 30 (4):678-692.
    There is a consensus that post-war British analytic philosophy was politically neutral. This view has been affirmed by the post-war analysts themselves, and by their critics. This paper argues that this consensus-view is false. Many central analytic philosophers claimed that their empirical philosophy had liberal outcomes, either through cultivating liberal habits of mind, or by revealing truths about the world that supported liberal conclusions. These beliefs were not subject to significant scrutiny or attempts at justification, but they do help us (...)
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  24. Aziz Al-Azmeh (1990). Utopia and Islamic Political Thought. History of Political Thought 11 (1):9-19.
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  25. Sara Albieri (2003). Hume e Peirce acerca do ceticismo cartesiano. Kriterion: Journal of Philosophy 44 (108):244-252.
  26. Jean Le Rond D' Alembert (2010). Elogio di Montesquieu. Liguori Editore.
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  27. Hartley Burr Alexander (1917). Rousseau and Political Humanitarianism. Journal of Philosophy, Psychology and Scientific Methods 14 (22):589-611.
  28. J. Alexander (2004). An Essay on Historical, Philosophical and Theological Attitudes to Modern Political Thought. History of Political Thought 25 (1):116-148.
    This essay subjects to criticism the historical and philosophical attitudes to political thought found in the writings of John Dunn and Michael Oakeshott. The essay does not limit itself to criticism but attempts to elaborate what is indicated by criticism for the sake of the modern understanding of political thought. The argument is that history and philosophy as they have recently been practised suffer from limitations that can only be addressed by a recognition of something which is here called theology. (...)
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  29. James Alexander (2011). Oakeshott on Hegel's 'Injudicious' Use of the Word 'State'. History of Political Thought 32 (1):147-176.
    This article attempts to make sense of Oakeshott's enigmatic comment in 'On Human Conduct' that it was perhaps injudicious of Hegel to use the word state in the Philosophy of Right for his conception of a bounded association. But the article does not confine itself to making sense of Oakeshott's meaning: it compares Oakeshott's conception of societas to Hegel's conception of der Staat, Oakeshott's conception of philosophy as an unconditional consideration of conditional objects with Hegel's conception of philosophy as a (...)
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  30. L. A. Alexander (2000). The Best Regimes of Aristotle's Politics. History of Political Thought 21 (2):189-216.
    What is the identity of the best regime in Aristotle's Politics? Although there are a few references to the best regime in Book III, the obvious answer is the regime discussed in Books VII and VIII. Aristotle calls it the best regime on numerous occasions and discusses it at great length. Yet, this is not the complete answer. In Book IV Aristotle makes certain curious remarks on the best regime that, on examination, do not fit the best regime of Books (...)
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  31. E. Alexander-Davey (2014). Constitutional Self-Government and Nationalism: Hobbes, Locke and George Lawson. History of Political Thought 35 (3):458-484.
    The emphasis in contemporary democratic theory and in the history of political thought on the peculiarly abstract theory of popular sovereignty of Locke and his twentieth-century intellectual descendants obscures a crucial relationship between constitutional self-government and nationalism. Through a Hobbesian and Filmerian critique of Locke and an examination of the political writings of George Lawson , the article shows the necessary connections between popular sovereignty, constitutionalism and a form of national consciousness that renders concrete the otherwise abstract and airy notion (...)
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  32. M. Alford (1900). Taylor's History of Rome A Constitutional and Political History of Rome. By T. M. Taylor, M. A. Methuen and Co. Pp. 507. 7s. 6d. [REVIEW] The Classical Review 14 (03):180-181.
  33. David Allan (1995). "Scots and Britons: Scottish Political Thought and the Union of 1603", Ed. Roger A. Mason. [REVIEW] History of Political Thought 16 (2):291.
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  34. James W. Allard (2010). T.H. Green's Theory of Positive Freedom: From Metaphysics to Political Theory (Review). Journal of the History of Philosophy 48 (4):538-539.
    Although T. H. Green is primarily remembered today as a moral and political philosopher, many of his philosophical concerns owe their origins to the Victorian crisis of faith in which a widespread belief in the literal truth of Scripture confronted seemingly incompatible scientific theories. Green attributed this crisis to the inability of science and religion to find accommodation in the popular version of empiricism widely accepted by educated men and women of his day. In his 371-page introduction to Hume’s Treatise, (...)
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  35. Amy Allen (2003). Foucault and Enlightenment: A Critical Reappraisal. Constellations 10 (2):180-198.
    In a late discussion of Kant’s essay, “Was ist Aufklärung?,” Foucault credits Kant with posing “the question of his own present” and positions himself as an inheritor of this Kantian legacy.1 Foucault has high praise for the critical tradition that emerges from Kant’s historical-political reflections on the Enlightenment and the French Revolution; Kant’s concern in these writings with “an ontology of the present, an ontology of ourselves” is, he says, characteristic of “a form of philosophy, from Hegel, through Nietzsche and (...)
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  36. James B. Allis (1989). Socrates and the Political Community: An Ancient Debate. Ancient Philosophy 9 (2):323-326.
  37. L. Allison (1988). The Nature of Conservative Thought. History of Political Thought 9 (2):379-383.
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  38. Félix Alluntis (1965). Social and Political Ideas of Jose Ortega y Gasset. New Scholasticism 39 (4):467-490.
  39. Gabriel Bertin de Almeida (2007). David Hume contra os contratualistas de seu tempo. Kriterion: Journal of Philosophy 115 (115):67-87.
    The objective of the text is to propose an interpretation of Hume's works that allows another way of refusing contractualism, different from the "official" refusal, and which is based (the new one) on the concept of artifice, which is extremely different from the artifice created by the contractualists, whose opposition the tradition of commentators of Humean political philosophy, generally, do not refer to, when it is the case of refusing contractualism.
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  40. Guido Antônio de Almeida (2006). Sobre o Princípio E a Lei Universal Do Direito Em Kant. Kriterion: Journal of Philosophy 47 (114):209-222.
  41. Gabriel Bertin Almeiddea (2007). David Hume contra os contratualistas de seu tempo. Kriterion: Journal of Philosophy 48 (115):67-87.
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  42. Guido Antônio Almeiddea (2006). Sobre o Princípio E a Lei Universal Do Direito Em Kant. Kriterion: Journal of Philosophy 47 (114):209-222.
  43. Marta García Alonso (2011). Biblical Law as the Source of Morality in Calvin. History of Political Thought 32 (1):1-19.
    this article, I discuss the Protestant contribution to the modern concept of autonomy on the basis of an analysis of John Calvin's moral theology. I show that Calvin affirms our incapacity to know and want what is morally good, as expressed by natural law. Such incapacity is compensated for by the biblical mandates that, according to Calvin, should be incorporated into the positive legislation of Christian republics. In view of all this, I conclude that Calvin is far from the Kantian (...)
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  44. Peter Alter (1991). Detmar Doering, "Die Wiederkehr der Klugheit. Edmund Burke Und Das 'Augustan Age'". [REVIEW] History of Political Thought 12 (3):542.
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  45. Louis Althusser (1972). Politics and History: Montesquieu, Rousseau, Hegel and Marx. London,Nlb.
  46. Roman Altshuler (2009). Political Realism and Political Idealism: The Difference That Evil Makes. Public Reason 1 (2):73-87.
    According to a particular view of political realism, political expediency must always override moral considerations. Perhaps the strongest defense of such a theory is offered by Carl Schmitt in The Concept of the Political. A close examination of Schmitt’s main presuppositions can therefore help to shed light on the tenuous relation between politics and morality. Schmitt’s theory rests on two keystones. First, the political is seen as independent of and prior to morality. Second, genuine political theory depends on a view (...)
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  47. Andrés Álvarez & Jimena Hurtado, Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Karl Marx: A Comparative Study of Two Critics to the Market Economy.
    We present a comparison between the works of two great critics of the market economy: Rousseau and Marx. It shows their similarities and divergences, most important of which is the place they give to economic analysis in their intellectual and political theories. Whereas Marx built his political and scientific criticism on economic analysis, Rousseau believed this analysis could not be the starting point for understanding social organization. Their monetary theories can explain this difference.
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  48. João Lopes Alves (2004). O Estado da Razão: Da Ideia Hegeliana de Estado Ao Estado Segundo a Ideia Hegeliana: Sobre Os Princípios de Filosofia Do Direito de Hegel. Edições Colibri.
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  49. José Luiz Ames (2006). Religião e política no pensamento de Maquiavel. Kriterion: Journal of Philosophy 47 (113):51-72.
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  50. Mariana Anagnostopoulos (2006). The Divided Soul and Desire for the Good in Plato's Republic. In Gerasimos Xenophon Santas (ed.), The Blackwell Guide to Plato's Republic. Blackwell Pub. 166--188.
1 — 50 / 2415