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  1. [author unknown] (2011). Die Moral Zwischenstaatlicher Politik Im Klassischen Griechenland : Thukydides Und Sein Kontext. In Ernst Baltrusch & Christian Wendt (eds.), Ein Besitz für Immer?: Geschichte, Polis, Und Völkerrecht Bei Thukydides. Nomos.
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  2. R. Abbey (1998). Mediocrity Versus Meritocracy: Nietzsche's (Mis)Reading of Chamfort. History of Political Thought 19 (3):457-483.
    This article challenges the claim that Friedrich Nietzsche is a good reader of the French moralist, Chamfort, when it comes to Chamfort's politics. Chamfort is a meritocrat rather than the bitter egalitarian Nietzsche protrays him to be. Moreover, the moralist's meritocratic beliefs, his hopes for a new social order and the emergence of a new aristocracy resemble many of Nietzsche's own values. Had Nietzsche read Chamfort as a meritocrat, he could have found much to stimulate and clarify his own thoughts (...)
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  3. Arash Abizadeh (2005). Was Fichte an Ethnic Nationalist? On Cultural Nationalism and its Double. History of Political Thought 26 (2):334-359.
    Even though Fichte’s Reden an die deutsche Nation or Addresses to the German Nation is arguably one of the founding texts of nationalist political thought, it has received little scholarly attention from English-speaking political theorists. The French, by contrast, have a long tradition of treating Fichte as a central figure in the history of political thought, and have given considerable attention to the Reden in particular. While the dominant French interpretation, which construes the Reden as a non-ethnic cultural nationalist text, (...)
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  4. Arash Abizadeh (2001). Banishing the Particular: Rousseau on Rhetoric, Patrie, and the Passions. Political Theory 29 (4):556-582.
    Rousseau initially attempts to secure freedom by grounding political rule in persuasion, rather than coercion. When the spectre of rhetoric undermines this strategy, he is led to ground the volonté générale in the silent and introspective disclosure of the solitary citizen’s inner conscience, which through a sentimentalist transformation of Descartes’s category of bon sens, is recast as an eminently public sentiment. But when rhetorical eloquence turns out to be indispensable to politics, Rousseau turns to republican virtue and the trope of (...)
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  5. H. B. Acton (1974). The Idea of a Spiritual Power: Auguste Comte Memorial Trust Lecture, Delivered on 15 May 1973 at the London School of Economics and Political Science. [REVIEW] Athlone Press.
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  6. H. B. Acton (1954). Henri Comte de Saint-Simon. Selected Writings. Edited and Translated by F. M. H. Markham. (Blackwell's Political Texts. Oxford: Basil Black–Well, 1952. Pp. Xlix + 116. Price 12s. 6d. Net.). [REVIEW] Philosophy 29 (111):381-.
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  7. Ezequiel Adamovsky (2005). Aristotle, Diderot, Liberalism and the Idea of 'Middle Class': A Comparision of Two Contexts of Emergence of a Metaphorical Formation. History of Political Thought 26 (2):303-333.
    This article seeks to contribute to the history of the idea of 'middle class', an idea that was fundamental to Aristotle's philosophy but disappeared from the repertoire of political thinking for centuries, re-emerging shortly before the French Revolution to be developed by Diderot and other French liberals. The modern notion of 'middle class' is compared with that of Aristotle, and the similarities between the two contexts of emergence -- the crisis of Ancient Greek democracy and that of the French Ancien (...)
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  8. Colin Adams (2000). Alexandria and Rome G. Grimm: Alexandria. Die Erste Königsstadt der Hellenistischen Welt . Pp. 168, 152 Ills, Maps. Mainz Am Rhein: Philipp Von Zabern, 1998. Cased, Dm 68. Isbn: 3-8053-2337-9. A. Lampela: Rome and the Ptolemies of Egypt. The Development of Their Political Relations 273–80 B.C . Pp. 301. Helsinki: Societas Scientiarum Fennica, 1998. Paper. Isbn: 951-653-295-. [REVIEW] The Classical Review 50 (01):195-.
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  9. R. Adcock (2003). The Emergence of Political Science as a Discipline: History and the Study of Politics in America 1875-1910. History of Political Thought 24 (3):481-508.
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  10. A. W. H. Adkins (1984). The Connection Between Aristotle's Ethics and Politics. Political Theory 12 (1):29-49.
  11. A. W. H. Adkins (1972). Moral Values and Political Behaviour in Ancient Greece: From Homer to the End of the Fifth Century. London,Chatto and Windus.
  12. A. W. H. Adkins (1972). Moral Values and Political Behaviour in Ancient Greece. New York,Norton.
  13. S. Ahbel-Rappe (2006). Platonopolis: Platonic Political Philosophy in Late Antiquity. Philosophical Review 115 (4):527-529.
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  14. Peter J. Ahrensdorf (2009). Greek Tragedy and Political Philosophy: Rationalism and Religion in Sophocles' Theban Plays. Cambridge University Press.
    Oedipus the tyrant and the limits of political rationalism -- Blind faith and enlightened statesmanship in Oedipus at colonus -- The pious heroism of Antigone -- Conclusion: Nietzsche, Plato, and Aristotle on philosophy and tragedy.
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  15. Timo Airaksinen (2012). Great Books, Bad Arguments: Republic, Leviathan and The Communist Manifesto. Hobbes Studies 24 (2):192-195.
  16. Thomas L. Akehurst (2009). British Analytica Philosophy: The Politics of an Apolitical Culture. History of Political Thought 30 (4):678-692.
    There is a consensus that post-war British analytic philosophy was politically neutral. This view has been affirmed by the post-war analysts themselves, and by their critics. This paper argues that this consensus-view is false. Many central analytic philosophers claimed that their empirical philosophy had liberal outcomes, either through cultivating liberal habits of mind, or by revealing truths about the world that supported liberal conclusions. These beliefs were not subject to significant scrutiny or attempts at justification, but they do help us (...)
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  17. Aziz Al-Azmeh (1990). Utopia and Islamic Political Thought. History of Political Thought 11 (1):9-19.
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  18. Sara Albieri (2003). Hume e Peirce acerca do ceticismo cartesiano. Kriterion 44 (108):244-252.
  19. Jean Le Rond D' Alembert (2010). Elogio di Montesquieu. Liguori Editore.
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  20. Hartley Burr Alexander (1917). Rousseau and Political Humanitarianism. Journal of Philosophy, Psychology and Scientific Methods 14 (22):589-611.
  21. J. Alexander (2004). An Essay on Historical, Philosophical and Theological Attitudes to Modern Political Thought. History of Political Thought 25 (1):116-148.
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  22. James Alexander (2011). Oakeshott on Hegel's 'Injudicious' Use of the Word 'State'. History of Political Thought 32 (1):147-176.
    This article attempts to make sense of Oakeshott's enigmatic comment in 'On Human Conduct' that it was perhaps injudicious of Hegel to use the word state in the Philosophy of Right for his conception of a bounded association. But the article does not confine itself to making sense of Oakeshott's meaning: it compares Oakeshott's conception of societas to Hegel's conception of der Staat, Oakeshott's conception of philosophy as an unconditional consideration of conditional objects with Hegel's conception of philosophy as a (...)
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  23. L. A. Alexander (2000). The Best Regimes of Aristotle's Politics. History of Political Thought 21 (2):189-216.
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  24. M. Alford (1900). Taylor's History of Rome A Constitutional and Political History of Rome. By T. M. Taylor, M. A. Methuen and Co. Pp. 507. 7s. 6d. [REVIEW] The Classical Review 14 (03):180-181.
  25. James W. Allard (2010). T.H. Green's Theory of Positive Freedom: From Metaphysics to Political Theory (Review). Journal of the History of Philosophy 48 (4):538-539.
    Although T. H. Green is primarily remembered today as a moral and political philosopher, many of his philosophical concerns owe their origins to the Victorian crisis of faith in which a widespread belief in the literal truth of Scripture confronted seemingly incompatible scientific theories. Green attributed this crisis to the inability of science and religion to find accommodation in the popular version of empiricism widely accepted by educated men and women of his day. In his 371-page introduction to Hume’s Treatise, (...)
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  26. Amy Allen (2003). Foucault and Enlightenment: A Critical Reappraisal. Constellations 10 (2):180-198.
    In a late discussion of Kant’s essay, “Was ist Aufklärung?,” Foucault credits Kant with posing “the question of his own present” and positions himself as an inheritor of this Kantian legacy.1 Foucault has high praise for the critical tradition that emerges from Kant’s historical-political reflections on the Enlightenment and the French Revolution; Kant’s concern in these writings with “an ontology of the present, an ontology of ourselves” is, he says, characteristic of “a form of philosophy, from Hegel, through Nietzsche and (...)
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  27. James B. Allis (1989). Socrates and the Political Community: An Ancient Debate. Ancient Philosophy 9 (2):323-326.
  28. L. Allison (1988). The Nature of Conservative Thought. History of Political Thought 9 (2):379-383.
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  29. Felix Alluntis (1965). Social and Political Ideas of Jose Ortega y Gasset. New Scholasticism 39 (4):467-490.
  30. Gabriel Bertin de Almeida (2007). David Hume contra os contratualistas de seu tempo. Kriterion 115 (115):67-87.
    The objective of the text is to propose an interpretation of Hume's works that allows another way of refusing contractualism, different from the "official" refusal, and which is based (the new one) on the concept of artifice, which is extremely different from the artifice created by the contractualists, whose opposition the tradition of commentators of Humean political philosophy, generally, do not refer to, when it is the case of refusing contractualism.
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  31. Guido Antônio de Almeida (2006). Sobre o Princípio E a Lei Universal Do Direito Em Kant. Kriterion 47 (114):209-222.
  32. Gabriel Bertin Almeiddea (2007). David Hume contra os contratualistas de seu tempo. Kriterion 48 (115):67-87.
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  33. Guido Antônio Almeiddea (2006). Sobre o Princípio E a Lei Universal Do Direito Em Kant. Kriterion 47 (114):209-222.
  34. Marta García Alonso (2011). Biblical Law as the Source of Morality in Calvin. History of Political Thought 32 (1):1-19.
    this article, I discuss the Protestant contribution to the modern concept of autonomy on the basis of an analysis of John Calvin's moral theology. I show that Calvin affirms our incapacity to know and want what is morally good, as expressed by natural law. Such incapacity is compensated for by the biblical mandates that, according to Calvin, should be incorporated into the positive legislation of Christian republics. In view of all this, I conclude that Calvin is far from the Kantian (...)
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  35. Louis Althusser (1972). Politics and History: Montesquieu, Rousseau, Hegel and Marx. London,Nlb.
  36. Roman Altshuler (2009). Political Realism and Political Idealism: The Difference That Evil Makes. Public Reason 1 (2):73-87.
    According to a particular view of political realism, political expediency must always override moral considerations. Perhaps the strongest defense of such a theory is offered by Carl Schmitt in The Concept of the Political. A close examination of Schmitt’s main presuppositions can therefore help to shed light on the tenuous relation between politics and morality. Schmitt’s theory rests on two keystones. First, the political is seen as independent of and prior to morality. Second, genuine political theory depends on a view (...)
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  37. João Lopes Alves (2004). O Estado da Razão: Da Ideia Hegeliana de Estado Ao Estado Segundo a Ideia Hegeliana: Sobre Os Princípios de Filosofia Do Direito de Hegel. Edições Colibri.
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  38. José Luiz Ames (2006). Religião e política no pensamento de Maquiavel. Kriterion 47 (113):51-72.
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  39. Mariana Anagnostopoulos (2006). The Divided Soul and Desire for the Good in Plato's Republic. In Gerasimos Xenophon Santas (ed.), The Blackwell Guide to Plato's Republic. Blackwell Pub.. 166--188.
  40. Abraham Anderson (2000). A Modern Maistre: The Social and Political Thought of Joseph de Maistre (Review). Journal of the History of Philosophy 38 (2):287-288.
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  41. Brian A. Anderson (1983). Mill on Bentham: From Ideology to Humanized Utilitarianism. History of Political Thought 4 (2):341-356.
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  42. C. Anderson (1992). Safe Enough in His Honesty and Prudence' the Ordinary Conduct of Government in the Thought of John Locke. History of Political Thought 13 (4):605-630.
    While for many years Locke was viewed almost universally as the prophet of liberalism, today a successive reading of C.B. Macpherson's Possessive Individualism, John Dunn's The Political Thought of John Locke and Richard Ashcraft's Revolutionary Politics and Locke's �Two Treatises of Government�, might produce a schizophrenic vision of Locke as simultaneously an accumulative bourgeois villain, an irrelevant Calvinist moralist and a radical egalitarian revolutionary hero. This essay addresses an issue examined to a greater or lesser extent by these and other (...)
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  43. Jeremy Anderson (2003). The Role of Education in Political Stability. Hobbes Studies 16 (1):95-104.
    Currently the dominant interpretation of Hobbes in the field of moral and political philosophy is as a social contract theorist: that he legitimates moral rules and sovereign power by arguing that we would agree we are better off obeying a sovereign than living in a state of nature, and that we are best off if that sovereign is an absolute monarch. There are interesting alternatives to this reading of Hobbes—Warrender’s divine-command interpretation and Boonin-Vail’s virtue theory interpretation, to name just two—but (...)
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  44. O. Anderson (1991). The Feminism of T.H. Green: A Late-Victorian Success Story? History of Political Thought 12 (4):671-693.
    Rather surprisingly, T.H.Green's ideas on women and the family are as neglected today as they were immediately after his death in 1882, when his thought was first interpreted for a wider public by his colleagues and friends.1 Silence on such matters in the 1880s is not remarkable. It is odd, however, that it persists today, despite recent intense concern with the history of women and the family, including their place in political thought, and despite reviving philosophical interest in the British (...)
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  45. Clifford Ando (2010). 'A Dwelling Beyond Violence': On the Uses and Disadvantages of History for Contemporary Republicans. History of Political Thought 31 (2):183-220.
    Against the dominant trend in contemporary republicanism, which views Roman political theory as providing significant resources to contemporary emancipatory projects, this article reads the Roman legal and political theoretical tradition as revealing above all the capacity of Republican resources to be coopted in support of monarchic domination. It does so by tracing changes in doctrines of liberty, popular sovereignty, magistracy and majoritarianism from the period of the free Republic into the Principate and thence into the Justinianic codifications, as well as (...)
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  46. E. Andrew (1990). The Foxy Prophet-Machiavelli Versus Machiavelli on Ferdinand-the-Catholic. History of Political Thought 11 (3):409-422.
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  47. Edward Andrew (1989). Equality of Opportunity as the Noble Lie. History of Political Thought 10 (4):577-595.
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  48. Julia Annas (1980). Women in Western Political Thought By Susan Moller Okin Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980, 371 Pp., £13.60, £2.50 Paper. [REVIEW] Philosophy 55 (214):564-.
  49. John J. Ansbro (1971). The Science of Rights. Philosophical Studies 20:304-307.
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  50. Keith Ansell-Pearson (1994). An Introduction to Nietzsche as Political Thinker: The Perfect Nihilist. Cambridge University Press.
    This is a lively and engaging introduction to the contentious topic of Nietzsche's political thought. It traces the development of Nietzsche's thinking on politics from his earliest writings to the mature work in which he advocates aristocratic radicalism as opposed to 'petty' European nationalism. The key ideas of the will to power, eternal return and the overman are discussed and all Nietzsche's major works analysed in detail, such as Beyond Good and Evil and The Genealogy of Morals, within the context (...)
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