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  1. The EU and Russian Aggression: Perspectives from Kant, Hobbes, and Machiavelli.Joris van de Riet & Femke Klaver - 2023 - European Papers 8 (3):1523-1537.
    This Insight examines the stance the EU should adopt towards the Russian invasion of Ukraine on the basis of the political thought of Immanuel Kant, Thomas Hobbes, and Niccolò Machiavelli. Taking as its starting point Josep Borrell’s comment that “we are too much Kantians and not enough Hobbesians” at the 2022 EU Ambassadors’ Conference, this Insight offers a revisionist interpretation of both Kant and Hobbes while suggesting Machiavelli as a third possible inspiration for EU external action. Although he is often (...)
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  2. Monstruosa tierra. Una lectura de Leviathan.Jonathan Pimentel - 2022 - Heredia, Costa Rica: Editorial de la Universidad Nacional.
    En Monstruosa tierra se propone leer Leviathan como una obra que piensa contra la guerra y sus causas y, además, como una teoría acerca de lo que pueden conseguir los seres humanos gracias a sus vínculos sociales y políticos. Hobbes anima a enfrentar lo que produce miedo. Ese es el gesto más básico y complejo de su pensamiento. Afirma, además, que es necesario asumir la finita fuerza del cuerpo como la primigenia posibilidad, que no el obstáculo, para la creación de (...)
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  3. Hobbes on Power and Gender Relations.Sandra Leonie Field - 2021 - In Marcus P. Adams (ed.), A Companion to Hobbes. Hoboken, NJ, USA: Wiley. pp. 139–155.
    In this chapter, the author articulates two Hobbesian models of interpersonal power relations that can be used to understand gender relations: what he will call the dominion model and the deference model. Hobbes himself analyses the relation between men and women through the dominion model. The author lays out Hobbes's model of interpersonal power relations as dominion, including his application of the model to the case of gender relations. The centerpiece of Hobbes's method is his “state of nature” thought experiment. (...)
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  4. The Beast and the Sovereign according to Hobbes.Arnaud Milanese - 2016 - Philosophy Today 60 (1):71-88.
    Hobbes obviously thought politics with metaphors relating politics to bestiality and monstrosity: in De Cive, a man is a wolf to a man, and two of his major political books are entitled with the name of a biblical monster, Leviathan and Behemoth. Did Hobbes mean that political problems emerge from a natural violence of men and that the political solution to these problems must be found in sovereign violence? This contribution tries to demonstrate that these references do not outline any (...)
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  5. Le Trois Modes de Domination et la Mere dans De Cive_ et _Leviathan de Hobbes.James Griffith & Cecile Housset - 2022 - In Yves Charles Zarka & Liang Pang (eds.), Hobbes : Le pouvoir entre domination et resistance. Paris, France: Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin. pp. 39-57.
    While not ignored, the question of the role of mothers in the schema of political rule in Hobbes is not often taken up. Distinct from his contemporaries, Hobbes acknowledges only minimal differences between men and women, and argues that, because maternal protection and nourishment are necessary for its survival, the mother dominates the infant in the state of nature. How to explain that the mother loses this power of domination in the social or political order? Hobbes does not explicitly say. (...)
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  6. Kant on Property.Helga Varden - forthcoming - In Oxford Handbook of Kant.
    This paper provides an entrance into central discussions regarding Kant’s account of property. The first section shows how Kant engages and transforms important, related proposals from Hobbes and Locke as well as how the ‘libertarian’ and ‘liberal republican’ interpretive traditions differ in their readings on these points. Since Kantian theories for a long time didn’t focus on Kant’s Doctrine of Right but instead followed Rawls’s lead by developing Kantian theories grounded on Kant’s (meta-) ethical writings, the second section focuses on (...)
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  7. Apocalypse Without God: Apocalyptic Thought, Ideal Politics, and the Limits of Utopian Hope.Ben Jones - 2022 - New York: Cambridge University Press.
    Apocalypse, it seems, is everywhere. Preachers with vast followings proclaim the world's end and apocalyptic fears grip even the non-religious amid climate change, pandemics, and threats of nuclear war. But as these ideas pervade popular discourse, grasping their logic remains elusive. Ben Jones argues that we can gain insight into apocalyptic thought through secular thinkers. He starts with a puzzle: Why would secular thinkers draw on Christian apocalyptic beliefs--often dismissed as bizarre--to interpret politics? The apocalyptic tradition proves appealing in part (...)
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  8. Punishment and Disagreement in the State of Nature.Jacob Barrett - 2020 - Economics and Philosophy 36 (3):334-354.
    Hobbes believed that the state of nature would be a war of all against all. Locke denied this, but acknowledged that in the absence of government, peace is insecure. In this paper, I analyse both accounts of the state of nature through the lens of classical and experimental game theory, drawing especially on evidence concerning the effects of punishment in public goods games. My analysis suggests that we need government not to keep wicked or relentlessly self-interested individuals in line, but (...)
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  9. Punishment and Disagreement in the State of Nature.Jacob Barrett - 2020 - Economics and Philosophy 36 (3):334-354.
    Hobbes believed that the state of nature would be a war of all against all. Locke denied this, but acknowledged that in the absence of government, peace is insecure. In this paper, I analyse both accounts of the state of nature through the lens of classical and experimental game theory, drawing especially on evidence concerning the effects of punishment in public goods games. My analysis suggests that we need government not to keep wicked or relentlessly self-interested individuals in line, but (...)
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  10. Thomas Hobbes on Civility, Magnanimity, and Scientific Discourse.Andrew J. Corsa - 2021 - Hobbes Studies 34 (2):201-226.
    Thomas Hobbes contends that a wise sovereign would censor books and limit verbal discourse for the majority of citizens. But this article contends that it is consistent with Hobbes’s philosophy to claim that a wise sovereign would allow a small number of citizens – those individuals who engage in scientific discourse and who are magnanimous and just – to disagree freely amongst themselves, engaging in discourse on controversial topics. This article reflects on Hobbes’s contention that these individuals can tolerate one (...)
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  11. Hobbes's Confounding Foole.Michael Byron - 2019 - In S. Lloyd (ed.), Interpreting Hobbes's Political Philosophy. New York, NY, USA: pp. 206-222.
    Heir to Augustine’s and Anselm’s encounters with the Psalmist’s fool, Hobbes s confronts his own foolish interlocutor in Leviathan. This Foole says in his heart: there is no justice. Hobbes rebuts the unjust Foole’s objection by defending the reasonableness of justice. Readers’ ideas about the adequacy of Hobbes’s response to the Foole vary according to their views about what reason, justice, and covenant-keeping require. A confounding and little-remarked feature of this passage in Leviathan is Hobbes’s claim that his unjust Foole (...)
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  12. The Passive Body and States of Nature: An Examination of the Methodological Role State of Nature Theory Plays in Williams and Nietzsche.Brian Lightbody - 2021 - Genealogy 5 (8):1-15.
    : In his work Truth and Truthfulness, Bernard Williams offers a very different interpretation of philosophical genealogy than that expounded in the secondary literature. The “Received View” of genealogy holds that it is “documentary grey”: it attempts to provide historically well-supported, coherent, but defeasible explanations for the actual transformation of practices, values, and emotions in history. However, paradoxically, the standard interpretation also holds another principle. Genealogies are nevertheless polemical because they admit that any evidence that would serve to justify a (...)
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  13. Contentious Politics: Hobbes, Machiavelli and Corporate Power.Sandra Leonie Field - 2015 - Democracy Futures Series, The Conversation.
    Political protesters often don’t play by the rules. Think of the Occupy Movement, which brought lower Manhattan to a standstill in 2011 under the slogan, “We are the 99%”. Closer to home, think of the refugee activists who assisted a breakout from South Australia’s Woomera detention centre in 2002. Both are examples of contentious politics, or forms of political engagement outside the institutional channels of political decision-making. The democratic credentials of contentious politics are highly ambivalent. On the one hand, contentious (...)
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  14. Fictional Expectations and the Ontology of Power.Torsten Menge - 2020 - Philosophers' Imprint 20 (29):1-22.
    What kind of thing, as it were, is power and how does it fit into our understanding of the social world? I approach this question by exploring the pragmatic character of power ascriptions, arguing that they involve fictional expectations directed at an open future. When we take an agent to be powerful, we act as if that agent had a robust capacity to make a difference to the actions of others. While this pretense can never fully live up to a (...)
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  15. Leviathan on a Leash: A Theory of State Responsibility.Sean Fleming - 2020 - Princeton University Press.
    New perspectives on the role of collective responsibility in modern politics States are commonly blamed for wars, called on to apologize, held liable for debts and reparations, bound by treaties, and punished with sanctions. But what does it mean to hold a state responsible as opposed to a government, a nation, or an individual leader? Under what circumstances should we assign responsibility to states rather than individuals? Leviathan on a Leash demystifies the phenomenon of state responsibility and explains why it (...)
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  16. Hobbes on the Motives of Martyrs.Alexandra Chadwick - 2018 - In Laurens van Apeldoorn & Robin Douglass (eds.), Hobbes on Politics and Religion. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. pp. 79-94.
  17. Glory and the Evolution of Hobbes’s Disagreement Theory of War: From Elements to Leviathan.Arash Abizadeh - 2020 - History of Political Thought 41 (2):265-298.
    The centrality of glory, contempt, and revengefulness to Leviathan’s account of war is highlighted by three contextual features: Hobbes’s displacement of the traditional conception of glory as intrinsically intersubjective and comparative; his incorporation of the Aristotelian view that revengefulness is provoked by expressions of mere contempt; and the evolution of his account between 1640 and 1651. An archeology of Leviathan’s famous chapter thirteen confirms that Hobbes’s thesis throughout his career was that disagreement is the universal cause of war because prickly, (...)
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  18. Stasis: Civil War as a Political Paradigm.Giorgio Agamben - 2015 - Stanford, California: De Gruyter.
    We can no longer speak of a state of war in any traditional sense, yet there is currently no viable theory to account for the manifold internal conflicts, or civil wars, that increasingly afflict the world's populations. Meant as a first step toward such a theory, Giorgio Agamben's latest book looks at how civil war was conceived of at two crucial moments in the history of Western thought: in ancient Athens (from which the political concept of stasis emerges) and later, (...)
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  19. Natural law as early social thought: The recovery of natural law for sociology.Angela Leahy - 2020 - History of the Human Sciences 33 (2):72-90.
    Natural law contains much social thought that predates sociology and related disciplines, and can be seen as part of the prehistory of the human sciences. Key concerns of natural law thinkers include the achievement of social life and society, and the individual’s place therein. However, there is an enduring tendency within sociology to dismiss the ahistoricism and universalism of natural law, and therefore to reject natural law thought in its entirety. This article proposes an approach that rescues the sociological relevance (...)
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  20. Cudworth as a Critic of Hobbes.Stewart Duncan - 2021 - In Marcus P. Adams (ed.), A Companion to Hobbes. Hoboken, NJ, USA: Blackwell. pp. 398-412.
    This chapter considers Ralph Cudworth as a philosophical critic of Hobbes. Cudworth saw Hobbes as a representative of the three views he was attacking: atheism, determinism, and the denial that morality is eternal and immutable. Moreover, he did not just criticize Hobbes by assuming that a general critique of those views applied to Hobbes’s particular case. Rather, he singled out Hobbes, often by quoting him, and argued against the distinctively Hobbesian positions he had identified. In this chapter I look at (...)
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  21. Myśl europejska w poszukiwaniu definicji obywatela. Rzecz o koncepcjach statusu jednostki w państwie przed przełomem rewolucji francuskiej. Kontekst historyczny, podobieństwa i różnice, znaczenie.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2006 - Przegląd Humanistyczny 50 (3):59-81.
    Na długo przed rewolucją francuską oraz jej pierworodną Deklaracją Praw Człowieka i Obywatela w europejskiej myśli politycznej członek państwa przedzierzgnięty został z poddanego w obywatela. Ta fundamentalna zmiana w definiowaniu stanowiska jednostki w państwie korespondowała z humanistycznym postrzeganiem rozumu ludzkiego nie tylko jako instrumentu poznawania świata, ale też narzędzia głębokiej refleksji i krytycznej oceny mechanizmów światem rządzących. Siła rozumu kojarzona była przez oświeceniowych filozofów z porządkiem naturalnym, który jawił się przeciwwagą dla społecznych i politycznych realiów absolutnego władztwa monarszego. W XVIII (...)
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  22. Automatic Leviathan: Cybernetics and politics in Carl Schmitt’s postwar writings.Nicolas Guilhot - 2020 - History of the Human Sciences 33 (1):128-146.
    This article questions the current vogue of Carl Schmitt among political theorists who read him as an antidote to the depoliticizing force of economics and technology in the age of neoliberalism and its algorithmic rationalities. It takes Schmitt’s sparse reflections about cybernetics and game theory as paradigmatic of the theoretical and political problems raised by any theory positing the autonomy of the political. It suggests that this ultimately misunderstands the role of cybernetic representations of political decision-making in shoring up in (...)
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  23. Blacks, Cops, and the State of Nature.Raff Donelson - 2017 - Ohio State Journal of Criminal Law 15 (1):183-192.
    This essay offers a new way to conceptualize the “police violence against Blacks” phenomenon. I argue that we should see the situation as an instance of what Thomas Hobbes called the state of nature, that is, a state without effective law. This understanding of the phenomenon stands in sharp contrast to that offered by Professor Michelle Alexander in her book The New Jim Crow. Alexander sees the phenomenon as a continuation of centuries-old patterns of state-backed anti-Black racism. My account is (...)
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  24. A Reader’s Companion to the Prince, Leviathan, and the Second Treatise.John T. Bookman - 2019 - Cham: Springer Verlag.
    Machiavelli, Hobbes, and Locke each sought a new foundation for political order. This book serves as a reader's companion to Machiavelli’s The Prince, Hobbes’s Leviathan, and Locke’s Second Treatise written for graduate students and scholars seeking a fuller understanding of these classic texts. How do these philosophers respond to perennial questions such as why anyone is ever obligated to obey a government and whether there are any limits to such an obligation. In this book, Bookman begins by sorting out the (...)
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  25. Appeals to Experience in Hobbes’ Science of Politics.Tom Sorell - 2019 - In Alberto Vanzo & Peter R. Anstey (eds.), Experiment, Speculation and Religion in Early Modern Philosophy. New York: Routledge.
    This chapter examines the role of experience in Thomas Hobbes’ science of politics. Although Hobbes claims for his own formulation of civil philosophy a kind of definitiveness and certainty that only geometry has among the sciences, and although both geometry and civil philosophy are supposed to be the products of reason, where reason excludes experience (sense and memory), the necessity of establishing and submitting to the commonwealth is open to a certain sort of confirmation from experience. This is not because (...)
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  26. Hobbes on the Signification of Evaluative Language.Stewart Duncan - 2019 - Hobbes Studies 32 (2):159-178.
    Hobbes repeatedly expressed concerns about moral and political language, e.g., about the bad consequences of various uses and misuses of language. He did not simply focus on the consequences though. He also attempted to understand the problems, using the central semantic notion in his philosophy of language, signification. Hobbes, in both the Elements of Law and Leviathan, argues that a wide variety of terms – including ‘good’, ‘bad’, and the names of virtues and vices – have a double and inconstant (...)
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  27. Hobbes and Dionysius of Halicarnassus on Thucydides, Rhetoric and Political Life.Timothy W. Burns - 2014 - Polis 31 (2):387-424.
    Thomas Hobbes’ dispute with Dionysius of Halicarnassus over the study of Thucydides’ history allows us to understand both the ancient case for an ennobled public rhetoric and Hobbes’ case against it. Dionysius, concerned with cultivating healthy civic oratory, faced a situation in which Roman rhetoricians were emulating shocking attacks on divine justice such as that found in Thucydides’ Melian dialogue; he attempted to steer orators away from such arguments even as he acknowledged their truth. Hobbes, however, recommends the study of (...)
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  28. The Naturall Condition of Mankind.Maeve McKeown - 2019 - European Journal of Political Theory 18 (2):281-292.
    Upon what empirical basis did Hobbes make his claims about the ‘state of nature’? He looked to ‘the savage people in many places of America’. Most people now recognize Hobbes’s assertions about Native Americans as racist. And yet, as Widerquist and McCall argue in their book Prehistoric Myths in Modern Political Philosophy, the myth that life outside the state is unbearable and that life under the state is better remains the essential premise of two of the most influential Western political (...)
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  29. Justice and Law in Hobbes.Michael J. Green - 2004 - In Daniel Garber & Steven Nadler (eds.), Oxford Studies in Early Modern Philosophy Volume 1. Oxford University Press.
  30. Review of Laurens van Apeldoorn and Robin Douglass (eds.), Hobbes on Politics and Religion. [REVIEW]Stewart Duncan - 2019 - Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews 2019.
  31. Introduction to Hobbes and the Two Faces of Ethics.Arash Abizadeh - 2018 - Online Colloquium of the European Hobbes Society.
    Overview of "Hobbes and the Two Faces of Ethics" to kick off online colloquium on book, with responses by Sandra Field, Michael LeBuffe, and Daniel Eggers, ending with reply from Arash Abizadeh.
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  32. Hobbes and the Two Faces of Ethics. [REVIEW]Sandra Leonie Field - 2018 - European Hobbes Society Online Colloquium.
    In this review of Abizadeh's book, I question whether identifying a human 'capacity for reason' really resolves the problems with Hobbes's philosophy's distinctive combination of mechanistic materialism and moral normativity.
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  33. The two faces of personhood: Hobbes, corporate agency and the personality of the state.Sean Fleming - 2017 - European Journal of Political Theory (1):147488511773194.
    There is an important but underappreciated ambiguity in Hobbes’ concept of personhood. In one sense, persons are representatives or actors. In the other sense, persons are representees or characters. An estate agent is a person in the first sense; her client is a person in the second. This ambiguity is crucial for understanding Hobbes’ claim that the state is a person. Most scholars follow the first sense of ‘person’, which suggests that the state is a kind of actor – in (...)
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  34. Hobbes Interpretation of Human Nature and its Effect on the Formation of His Political Philosophy.Seyyed Mostafa Shahraeeni, Yousof Nozohur & Beyan Karimi - 2018 - Journal of Philosophical Investigations at University of Tabriz 12 (22):77-89.
    Hobbes political thought is based on his twofold analysis of mankind: Human being, on one hand, as a composed material body in the network of mechanical forces follows his desires and passions. He, on the other hand, studies the concepts of right and duty in order to establish community through contract. Hobbes tries to reconcile his political system with materialistic analysis of human behavior. For this reason, in Hobbes thought, to be aware of political organization depends on recognizing human nature (...)
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  35. Boa-fé E validade dos contratos em Hobbes: Uma interpretação a partir de Rawls.Delamar José Volpato Dutra - 2018 - Kriterion: Journal of Philosophy 59 (140):385-408.
    RESUMO O texto acalenta a hipótese de que as razões pelas quais Hobbes justifica a desobediência e mesmo a resistência ao soberano possam ser compreendidas a partir da teoria da boa-fé contratual, tal qual apresentada por Rawls em Uma teoria da justiça. ABSTRACT The text raises the hypothesis that the reasons why Hobbes justifies disobedience and even resistance to the sovereign can be understood from the contractual good-faith theory, as presented by Rawls in A Theory of Justice.
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  36. Book ReviewsPhilip Pettit,. Made with Words: Hobbes on Language, Mind, and Politics.Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008. Pp. 192. $29.95. [REVIEW]S. A. Lloyd - 2009 - Ethics 119 (3):590-594.
  37. Hobbes and modern political thought. [REVIEW]G. A. J. Rogers - 2018 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 26 (2):401-403.
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  38. Hobbes and political realism.Robin Douglass - 2016 - European Journal of Political Theory 19 (2):147488511667748.
    Thomas Hobbes has recently been cast as one of the forefathers of political realism. This article evaluates his place in the realist tradition by focusing on three key themes: the priority of legit...
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  39. Hobbes and the Two Faces of Ethics.Arash Abizadeh - 2018 - New York, NY, USA: Cambridge University Press.
    Reading Hobbes in light of both the history of ethics and the conceptual apparatus developed in recent work on normativity, this book challenges received interpretations of Hobbes and his historical significance. Arash Abizadeh uncovers the fundamental distinction underwriting Hobbes's ethics: between prudential reasons of the good, articulated via natural laws prescribing the means of self-preservation, and reasons of the right or justice, comprising contractual obligations for which we are accountable to others. He shows how Hobbes's distinction marks a watershed in (...)
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  40. On Hobbes’s state of nature and game theory.Bertrand Crettez - 2017 - Theory and Decision 83 (4):499-511.
    Hobbes’s state of nature is often analyzed in two-person two-action non-cooperative games. By definition, this literature only focuses on duels. Yet, if we consider general games, i.e., with more than two agents, analyzing Hobbes’s state of nature in terms of duel is not completely satisfactory, since it is a very specific interpretation of the war of all against all. Therefore, we propose a definition of the state of nature for games with an arbitrary number of players. We show that this (...)
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  41. The Straussian Paradigm Turned Upside-Down: A Model for Studying Political Philosophy.J. Mikael Olsson - 2013 - Minerva - An Internet Journal of Philosophy 17 (1):49-73.
    Much of Leo Strauss's scholarship focused on the possibilities of moral knowledge and the quality of rulers, and these interests guide his readings in the history of political philosophy. I suggest that this is a fruitful way of studying political thought. It will, however, be argued that Strauss's belief in objective morality should be discarded. Thus, our judgments on past thinkers may have to be reversed or modified. Strauss's belief that only objective values can lend a firm support to democracy (...)
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  42. The invention of Hobbesian anarchy.Theodore Christov - 2017 - Journal of International Political Theory 13 (3):296-310.
    It is only in the early decades of the twentieth century that the “Hobbesian state of nature” and the “discourse of anarchy” came to be seen as virtually synonymous. In examining Hobbes’ international state of nature, this article rejects two common views. In one, International Relations is seen as a warlike “Hobbesian” anarchy, and in the other, Hobbes is regarded as the progenitor of Realism. Far from defending anarchy of states, Hobbes in fact constructs a largely ameliorative international arena.
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  43. Three-Text Edition of Thomas Hobbes's Political Theory: The Elements of Law, de Cive and Leviathan.Deborah Baumgold (ed.) - 2017 - New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
    An exciting English-language edition which for the first time presents Thomas Hobbes's masterpiece Leviathan alongside two earlier works, The Elements of Law and De Cive. By arranging the three texts side by side, Baumgold offers readers an enhanced understanding of Hobbes's political theory and addresses an important need within Hobbes scholarship. The parallel presentation highlights substantive connections between the texts and makes it easy to trace the development of Hobbes's thinking. Readers can follow developments both at the 'micro' level of (...)
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  44. Legitimidade do poder e resistência em Thomas Hobbes e John Locke.Juliano Cordeiro da Costa Oliveira - 2017 - Kalagatos 10 (20):171-192.
    Hobbes; Locke; Legitimidade; Resistência.
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  45. From Humanism to Hobbes: Studies in Rhetoric and Politics.Quentin Skinner - 2018 - Cambridge University Press.
    The aim of this collection is to illustrate the pervasive influence of humanist rhetoric on early-modern literature and philosophy. The first half of the book focuses on the classical rules of judicial rhetoric. One chapter considers the place of these rules in Shakespeare's The Merchant of Venice, while two others concentrate on the technique of rhetorical redescription, pointing to its use in Machiavelli's The Prince as well as in several of Shakespeare's plays, notably Coriolanus. The second half of the book (...)
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  46. La conciliación de lo político y lo religioso. Suárez y Hobbes sobre la potestad indirecta.Miguel Saralegui - 2017 - Anuario Filosófico 50 (2):297-321.
    En este artículo, se estudiará la defensa de Suárez de la potestad indirecta, así como la crítica de Hobbes, tema descuidado por la bibliografía. A pesar de que se suele considerar la postura suareciana como moderada, insistiré en su similitud con la teocracia. Por otra parte, aunque se reconocerá a Hobbes como más cercano a la solución contemporánea, se recordará que su pulsión monocrática le impide dar cuenta de cómo es posible la coexistencia armónica de un poder civil y otro (...)
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  47. La interpretación de Lloyd del principio de obligación política de Thomas Hobbes.Oswaldo Plata Pineda - 2016 - Estudios de Filosofía (Universidad de Antioquia) 53.
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  48. Fra Hobbes e Spinoza. Indagine sulla matrice filosofica delle categorie sociologiche di Ferdinand Tönnies.Furio Ferraresi - 2017 - Scienza and Politica. Per Una Storia Delle Dottrine 29 (56).
    This essay reconstructs the main lines of Ferdinand Tönnies’ critical approach to the thought of Hobbes and Spinoza. Specifically it shows the role played by the two philosophers in developing the categories of community and society. From the stand point of political thought, the essay reveals how Tönnies’ on going interpretation of Hobbes focuses more and more on the constitutive moment of the modern form of State. In this area it draws on Spinoza’s reflections on democracy as an absolutum omnino (...)
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  49. L’axe Montaigne-Hobbes : anthropologie et politique.Emiliano Ferrari & Thierry Gontier (eds.) - 2016 - Paris: Classiques Garnier.
    Against a background of civil, political and religious conflict, Montaigne and Hobbes redeveloped a form of anthropological and political thinking that ushered in modernity. This collective work is as much concerned with the points where the two authors converge as with the difference in the paths they follow.
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  50. Of Wonder: Thomas Hobbes’s Political Appropriation of Thaumazein.Kye Anderson Barker - 2017 - Political Theory 45 (3):362-384.
    This essay presents a reading of the use of wonder in the political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes. In this essay, I argue that not only did Hobbes incorporate the ancient conception of wonder into his design for the emotional apparatus of the modern sovereign state, but that when he did so he also transformed it and other concepts. Previous scholars have paid close attention to Hobbes’s confrontation with ancient philosophy, but there has been no sustained study of Hobbes’s use of (...)
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