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  1. Arash Abizadeh (2010). Closed Borders, Human Rights, and Democratic Legitimation. In David Hollenbach (ed.), Driven From Home: Human Rights and the New Realities of Forced Migration. Georgetown University Press.
    Critics of state sovereignty have typically challenged the state’s right to close its borders to foreigners by appeal to the liberal egalitarian discourse of human rights. According to the liberty argument, freedom of movement is a basic human right; according to the equality or justice argument, open borders are necessary to reduce global poverty and inequality, both matters of global justice. I argue that human rights considerations do indeed mandate borders considerably more open than is the norm today but that, (...)
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  2. Arash Abizadeh (2010). Democratic Legitimacy and State Coercion: A Reply to David Miller. Political Theory 38 (1):121-130.
  3. Arash Abizadeh (2008). Democratic Theory and Border Coercion: No Right to Unilaterally Control Your Own Borders. Political Theory 36 (1):37-65.
    The question of whether or not a closed border entry policy under the unilateral control of a democratic state is legitimate cannot be settled until we first know to whom the justification of a regime of control is owed. According to the state sovereignty view, the control of entry policy, including of movement, immigration, and naturalization, ought to be under the unilateral discretion of the state itself: justification for entry policy is owed solely to members. This position, however, is inconsistent (...)
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  4. Arash Abizadeh (2006). Liberal Egalitarian Arguments for Closed Borders: Some Preliminary Critical Reflections. Ethics & Economics 4 (1).
    There are at least five important arguments for why liberal egalitarianism permits states, under today's circumstances, to close their borders to foreigners: the public order, domestic economy, social integration, political threat, and domestic welfare arguments. Critical examination of these arguments suggests that liberal egalitarianism, rather than supporting a right to close one's borders to foreigners, mandates borders considerably more open than is the practice of today's self-styled liberal states.
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  5. Jaime R. Aguila (2011). The Role of Ethics Within the Contemporary Immigration Debate. Teaching Ethics 11 (2):63-79.
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  6. F. Ainsa & J. Ferguson (1982). Utopia, Promised Lands, Immigration and Exile. Diogenes 30 (119):49-64.
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  7. Monica Aufrecht (2012). Rethinking “Greening of Hate”: Climate Emissions, Immigration, and the Last Frontier. Ethics and the Environment 17 (2):51-74.
    The sheer number of immigrants has simply overwhelmed our country’s ability to continue to provide for newcomers and natives alike, and in many cases has only added to America’s problems… Our population growth … is a root cause of many of the United States’ problems and presents a serious threat to our limited natural resources such as topsoil, forests, clean air and water, and healthy ecosystems. It’s not so much the number of people that matters, but how they live. Concerns (...)
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  8. Roland Axtmann (2009). In Between: Immigration, Distributive Justice, and Political Dialogue. Contemporary Political Theory 8 (4):415-434.
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  9. Veit Bader (2005). The Ethics of Immigration. Constellations 12 (3):331-361.
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  10. Annette C. Baier (1995). A Note on Justice, Care, and Immigration Policy. Hypatia 10 (2):150 - 152.
    Should a "caring" immigration policy give special treatment to would-be immigrants who are near neighbors? It is argued that, while those on our borders requesting entry have some special claim, it should not drown out the claims of more distant applicants for citizenship.
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  11. Celia Bardwell-Jones (2011). The Space Between: The Politics of Immigration in Asian/Pacific Islander America. The Pluralist 5 (3):49-55.
    I would like to thank Dr. Gabaccia for her intriguing essay on the origins of the term "nation of immigrants." It really has helped me think about immigration with more historical richness. In my own work, I examine what goes into transnational and diasporic identities. I understand transnational identities as those operating between the loyalties of two or more countries. Going against perhaps unidirectional ways of understanding the immigrant as a foreigner entering into a country, I understand the immigrant identity (...)
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  12. Cristina Beltrán (2009). Going Public: Hannah Arendt, Immigrant Action, and the Space of Appearance. Political Theory 37 (5):595 - 622.
    While other theorists have turned to Arendt's analysis of statelessness and superfluity to consider questions of immigration, "illegality," and the status of noncitizens, this essay argues that Arendt's account of labor and her non-consequentialist account of action offer a richer optic for considering the undocumented in the United States. To explore this claim, this essay constructs an alternate account of the nationwide demonstrations for immigrant rights that occurred in 2006. Rather than defining "success" in terms of replicability or immediate legislative (...)
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  13. Yaacov Ben-Shemesh (2008). Immigration Rights and the Demographic Consideration. Law and Ethics of Human Rights 2 (1):1-34.
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  14. Meghan Benton (2010). The Tyranny of the Enfranchised Majority? The Accountability of States to Their Non-Citizen Population. Res Publica 16 (4):397-413.
    The debate between legal constitutionalists and critics of constitutional rights and judicial review is an old and lively one. While the protection of minorities is a pivotal aspect of this debate, the protection of disenfranchised minorities has received little attention. Policy-focused discussion—of the merits of the Human Rights Act in Britain for example—often cites protection of non-citizen migrants, but the philosophical debate does not. Non-citizen residents or ‘denizens’ therefore provide an interesting test case for the theory of rights as trumps (...)
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  15. Michael Blake (2013). Immigration, Jurisdiction, and Exclusion. Philosophy and Public Affairs 41 (2):103-130.
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  16. Michael Blake (2012). Immigration, Association, and Antidiscrimination. Ethics 122 (4):748-762.
  17. Michael Blake (2002). Discretionary Immigration. Philosophical Topics 30 (2):273-289.
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  18. Michael Blake & Mathias Risse (2009). Is There a Human Right to Free Movement? Immigration and Original Ownership of the Earth. Notre Dame Journal of Law Ethics and Public Policy 23 (133):166.
    1. Among the most striking features of the political arrangements on this planet is its division into sovereign states.1 To be sure, in recent times, globalization has woven together the fates of communities and individuals in distant parts of the world in complex ways. It is partly for this reason that now hardly anyone champions a notion of sovereignty that would entirely discount a state’s liability the effects that its actions would have on foreign nationals. Still, state sovereignty persists as (...)
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  19. Michael Blake & Mathias Risse (2008). Migration, Territoriality, and Culture. In Ryberg Jesper & Petersen Thomas (eds.), New Waves in Applied Ethics. Palgrave.
    Little work has been done to explore the moral foundations of the state’s right to territory.1 In modern times, the state has mostly been assumed to be a territorial unit, and no need was perceived to reflect on precisely what justifies its territorial jurisdiction. The state’s territoriality is related to another topic that has remained under-theorized: immigration. There is, moreover, an obvious relationship between these topics: the more powerful a state’s rights over its territory, the more powerful the right to (...)
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  20. George J. Borjas (2004). The Economic Consequences of Immigration. Journal of Catholic Social Thought 1 (1):137-155.
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  21. G. Bosetti (2011). Introduction: Addressing the Politics of Fear. The Challenge Posed by Pluralism to Europe. Philosophy and Social Criticism 37 (4):371-382.
    The introduction to this issue is meant to address the ways in which turbulent immigration is challenging European democratic countries’ capacity to integrate the pluralism of cultures in light of the current state of economic instability, strong public debt, unemployment and an aging resident population. The Reset-Dialogues on Civilizations Association has organized its annual Istanbul Seminars in order to fill the need for constructive dialogue dedicated to increasing understanding and implementing social and political change. Turkey’s accession to the European Union (...)
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  22. Philip Cafaro & Winthrop Staples Iii (2009). The Environmental Argument for Reducing Immigration Into the United States. Environmental Ethics 31 (1):5-30.
    A serious commitment to environmentalism entails ending America’s population growth and hence a more restrictive immigration policy. The need to limit immigration necessarily follows when we combine a clear statement of our main environmental goals—living sustainably and sharing the landscape generously with nonhuman beings—with uncontroversial accounts of our current demographic trajectory and of the negative environmental effects of U.S. population growth, nationally and globally. Standard arguments for the immigration status quo or for an even more permissive immigration policy are without (...)
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  23. Daniel Campos (2011). Understanding Immigration as Lived Personal Experience. In Gregory Fernando Pappas (ed.), Pragmatism in the Americas. Fordham University Press. 245-261.
    This essay provides an account of the lived personal experience of immigration at three levels: general aims; relations to place and to other persons; and feelings and sensibility. The account is structured by Charles Peirce's phenomenological categories, but the emphasis is on describing the experience. For the experiential descriptions, the essay also relies on the work of Latin Americans such as Octavio Paz and Mario Benedetti and Anglo Americans such as Henry Thoreau, John McDermott, Jane Addams, and Lara Trout.
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  24. Joseph H. Carens (2003). Who Should Get In? The Ethics of Immigration Admissions. Ethics and International Affairs 17 (1):95–110.
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  25. Na'ama Carmi (2005). Immigration and Return: The Israeli-Palestinian Case. Philosophia 32 (1-4):21-50.
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  26. Na’Ama Carmi (2008). Immigration Policy: Between Demographic Considerations and Preservation of Culture. Law and Ethics of Human Rights 2 (1):1-29.
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  27. Eric Cavallero (2006). An Immigration-Pressure Model of Global Distributive Justice. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 5 (1):97-127.
    International borders concentrate opportunities in some societies while limiting them in others. Borders also prevent those in the less favored societies from gaining access to opportunities available in the more favored ones. Both distributive effects of borders are treated here within a comprehensive framework. I argue that each state should have broad discretion under international law to grant or deny entry to immigration seekers; but more favored countries that find themselves under immigration pressure should be legally obligated to fund development (...)
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  28. Ian Davies (2009). Latino Immigration and Social Change in the United States: Toward an Ethical Immigration Policy. [REVIEW] Journal of Business Ethics 88 (2):377 - 391.
    Approximately 47 million Latinos currently live in the United States, and nearly 25 percent of them are undocumented. The USA is a very different country from just a generation ago – culturally, socially, and demographically. Its presumed core values have been transformed largely by the changes wrought by immigration and ethnicity. A multicultural society has, in 2008, elected a multicultural president. This article examines immigration discourse, framed in terms of fear and security, and the evolution of the US immigration policy. (...)
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  29. Hartley Dean (2011). The Ethics of Migrant Welfare. Ethics and Social Welfare 5 (1):18-35.
    International migration poses a dilemma for capitalist welfare states. This paper considers the ethical dimensions of that dilemma. It begins by addressing two questions associated with the provision of social rights for migrants: first, the extent to which differential forms of social citizenship may be associated with processes of civic stratification; second, the ambiguous nature of the economic, social and cultural rights components of the international human rights framework. It then proceeds to discuss, on the one hand, existing attempts to (...)
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  30. Penelope Deutscher (2003). Already Lamenting: Deconstruction, Immigration, Colonialism. Studies in Practical Philosophy 3 (1):5-21.
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  31. A. Draycott (2010). Book Review: Daniel G. Groody and Gioacchino Campese (Eds.), A Promised Land, A Perilous Journey: Theological Perspectives on Migration (Notre Dame, IN: Notre Dame University Press, 2008). Xxvii + 332 Pp. US$32.00 (Pb), ISBN 978--0--268--02973--9. M. Daniel Carroll R., Christians at the Border: Immigration, the Church, and the Bible (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2008). 176 Pp. US$16.99 (Pb), ISBN 978--0--8010--3566--. [REVIEW] Studies in Christian Ethics 23 (2):213-216.
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  32. Sir Michael Dummett (2004). Immigration. Res Publica 10 (2):115-122.
    It is not a fundamental human right to live wherever one would most like to be. We have to ask when a state should admit people not its citizens wishing to enter and settle within its territory. To exclude someone from entry to a country where he wishes to settle infringes his liberty. When anybody's liberty is infringed or curtailed the onus of proof lies upon those who claim a right to infringe or curtail it, other things being equal. This (...)
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  33. Derek Edyvane (2011). In Between: Immigration, Distributive Justice, and Political Dialogue. Contemporary Political Theory 10 (1):140-143.
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  34. John Exdell (2009). Immigration, Nationalism, and Human Rights. Metaphilosophy 40 (1):131-146.
    Abstract: Michael Walzer and David Miller defend the authority of democratic states to determine who will be allowed entry and membership. In support of this view they have claimed that the domestic solidarity necessary for social justice is threatened by the unregulated influx of outsiders. This empirical thesis proves to be false when applied to the United States, where heavy Latino and Latina immigration is more likely to increase civic solidarity than to diminish it. Seen in this light, the positions (...)
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  35. John Exdell (2007). 5. Immigration, Race, and Liberal Nationalism. Radical Philosophy Today 2007:95-110.
    A nationalist theory of the modern state holds that territorial states should be constituted as nations composed of people who in some sense belong with each other as members of their country. Liberal philosophers have defended this view on the grounds that nationality creates the solidarity necessary for social justice. Their argument is troubled by the case of the United States, where nationality is strong but solidarity weak. According to the best empirical studies, the fundamental reason for the American exception (...)
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  36. Alessandra Facchi (1998). Multicultural Policies and Female Immigration in Europe. Ratio Juris 11 (4):346-362.
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  37. Bina Fernandez (2011). Exploring the Relevance of Fraser's Ethical-Political Framework of Justice to the Analysis of Inequalities Faced by Migrant Workers. International Journal of Social Quality 1 (2):85-101.
  38. Sarah Fine (2014). Non-Domination and the Ethics of Migration. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (1):10-30.
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  39. Joseph Fins (2007). Border Zones of Consciousness: Another Immigration Debate? American Journal of Bioethics 7 (1):51-54.
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  40. James Franklin (2002). Immigration Vs Democracy. IPA Review 54 (2):29.
    Democracy has difficulties with the rights on non-voters (children, the mentally ill, foreigners etc). Democratic leaders have sometimes acted ethically, contrary to the wishes of voters, e.g. in accepting refugees as immigrants.
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  41. Chaim Gans (2008). Nationalist Priorities and Restrictions in Immigration: The Case of Israel. Law and Ethics of Human Rights 2 (1):1-19.
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  42. Chaim Gans (1998). Nationalism and Immigration. Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 1 (2):159-180.
    Can states' immigration policies favor groups with whom they are culturally and historically tied? I shall answer this question here positively, but in a qualified manner. My arguments in support of this answer will be of distributive justice, presupposing a globalist rather than a localist approach to justice. They will be based on a version of liberal nationalism according to which individuals can have fundamental interests in their national culture, interests which are rooted in freedom, identity, and especially in ensuring (...)
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  43. Anca Gheaus (forthcoming). Children's Rights, Parental Agency and the Case for Non-Coercive Responses to Care Drain. In Diana Meyers (ed.), Poverty, Agency, and Human Rights. Oxford University Press.
    Worldwide, many impoverished parents migrate, leaving their children behind. As a result children are deprived of continuity in care and, sometimes, suffer from other forms of emotional and developmental harms. I explain why coercive responses to care drain are illegitimate and likely to be inefficient. Poor parents have a moral right to migrate without their children and restricting their migration would violate the human right to freedom of movement and create a new form of gender injustice. I propose and defend (...)
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  44. Anca Gheaus (2013). Care Drain as an Issue of Global Gender Justice. Ethical Perspectives 20 (1).
  45. Anca Gheaus (2013). Care Drain: Who Should Provide for the Children Left Behind? Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 16 (1):1-23.
    Care drain brings the traditional problem of carers' choice between paid work and family at a new level. Taking care drain from Romania as a case study, I analyse the consequences of parents' migration within a normative framework committed to meeting the needs of vulnerable individuals. The temporary migration of parents who cannot take their children with them involves moral harm, particularly the frustration of children's developmental and emotional needs. I use recent feminist work on justice and care in the (...)
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  46. Cristiana Giordano (2013). Ticktin, Miriam, Casualties of Care. Immigration and Politics of Humanitarianism in France, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011. Constellations 20 (3):510-512.
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  47. Russell Hardin (2005). Migration and Community. Journal of Social Philosophy 36 (2):273–287.
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  48. Jan Hartman (2007). Local Loyalty-Universal Responsibility. The Proceedings of the Twenty-First World Congress of Philosophy 1:73-78.
    I present an analysis of the dialectic relationship uniting concepts of responsibility and loyalty, on the background of the political question of the right to move (immigration, in a very broad sense of leaving one's native community). I present a thorough analysis of the meanings of the categories of responsibility and loyalty, concentrating on the aspects that reveal their mutual antagonism. It is specially claimed that no responsibility is purely individual (however neither is it collective) and in this respect the (...)
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  49. Peter Higgins (2013). Immigration Justice. Edinburgh University Press.
    By what moral standards must nation-states select immigration policies? A central contention of Immigration Justice is that the justice of an immigration policy can be ascertained only through consideration of the pervasive, systematic, and unjust inequalities engendered by the institutions that constitute our social world. Immigration policies affect people primarily as members of social groups demarcated from each other by members’ gender, race, and class. For this reason, this book argues that states’ selection of immigration policies is a matter of (...)
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  50. Peter Higgins (2009). Immigration Justice: A Principle for Selecting Just Admissions Policies. Social Philosophy Today 25:149-162.
    This paper is addressed to those who hold that states’ immigration policies are subject to cosmopolitan principles of justice. I have a very limited goal in the paper, and that is to offer a condensed explication of a principle for determining whether states’ immigration policies are just. That principle is that just immigration policies may not avoidably harm disadvantaged social groups (whether domestic or foreign). This principle is inspired by the failure, among many extant cosmopolitan proposals for regulating immigration, to (...)
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