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  1. Arash Abizadeh (2005). Democratic Elections Without Campaigns? Normative Foundations of National Baha'i Elections. World Order 37 (1):7-49.
    National Baha’i elections, conducted world-wide without nominations, competitive campaigns, or parties, challenge the emerging consensus that the only truly democratic elections are multiparty elections in which each party’s candidates compete freely for votes. National Baha’i electoral institutions are based on three core values: respect for the inherent dignity of each person, the unity and solidarity of persons collectively, and the justice and fairness of institutions. While liberal political philosophy interprets respect for dignity exclusively in terms of equality and freedom, the (...)
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  2. Jeffrey Abramson (1993). The Jury and Democratic Theory. Journal of Political Philosophy 1 (1):45-68.
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  3. Kristoffer Ahlstrom-Vij (2011). Review of Robert B. Talisse, Democracy and Moral Conflict (Cambridge UP, 2009). [REVIEW] Philosophical Quarterly 61 (244):666-668.
    The review argues that Talisse's epistemic defense of democracy in his "Democracy and Moral Conflict," albeit novel and interesting, falls prey to an epistemic analogue of the problem of reasonable moral pluralism that Rawls famously posed for moral justifications of democracy.
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  4. A. Arato (2010). Democratic Constitution-Making and Unfreezing the Turkish Process. Philosophy and Social Criticism 36 (3-4):473-487.
    This short article will seek to explore the causes, and possible solutions, of what seems to be the current freezing of the Turkish constitution-making process that has had some dramatic successes in the 1990s and early 2000s. I make the strong claim that democratic legitimacy or constituent authority should not be reduced either to any mode of power, even popular power, or to mere legality. It is these types of reduction that I find especially troubling in recent Turkish constitutional struggles, (...)
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  5. Richard Arneson, Debate: Defending the Purely Instrumental Account of Democratic.
    Governments compel their subjects to obey laws and duly empowered commands of public officials. Under what circumstances is this coercion by governments morally legitimate? In the contemporary world, many say a legitimate government must be democratic, and, with qualifications, I agree. (Let us say that in a democracy all nontransient adult residents are eligible to be citizens and each citizen if free to vote and run for office in free elections that determine who shall be lawmakers and top public officials.) (...)
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  6. Richard J. Arneson, The Supposed Right to a Democratic Say.
    Democratic instrumentalism is the combination of two ideas. One is instrumentalism regarding political arrangements: the form of government that ought to be instituted and sustained in a political society is the one the consequences of whose operation would be better than those of any feasible alternative. The second idea is the claim that under modern conditions democratic political institutions would be best according to the instrumentalist norm and ought to be established. “Democratic instrumentalism” is not a catchy political slogan apt (...)
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  7. Richard J. Arneson (2003). Defending the Purely Instrumental Account of Democratic Legitimacy. Journal of Political Philosophy 11 (1):122–132.
  8. N. C. Bhattacharyya (1968). John Dewey's Instrumentalism, Democratic Ideal and Education. Educational Theory 18 (1):60-72.
  9. Luc Bovens & Wlodek Rabinowicz (2006). Democratic Answers to Complex Questions – an Epistemic Perspective. Synthese 150 (1):131-153.
    This paper addresses a problem for theories of epistemic democracy. In a decision on a complex issue which can be decomposed into several parts, a collective can use different voting procedures: Either its members vote on each sub-question and the answers that gain majority support are used as premises for the conclusion on the main issue (premise based-procedure, pbp), or the vote is conducted on the main issue itself (conclusion-based procedure, cbp). The two procedures can lead to different results. We (...)
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  10. Corey Brettschneider (2007). Democratic Rights: The Substance of Self-Government. Princeton University Press.
    When the Supreme Court in 2003 struck down a Texas law prohibiting homosexual sodomy, it cited the right to privacy based on the guarantee of "substantive due process" embodied by the Constitution. But did the court act undemocratically by overriding the rights of the majority of voters in Texas? Scholars often point to such cases as exposing a fundamental tension between the democratic principle of majority rule and the liberal concern to protect individual rights. Democratic Rights challenges this view by (...)
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  11. Thom Brooks (2007). Equality and Democracy. Ethical Perspectives 14 (1):3-12.
    In a recent article, Thomas Christiano defends the intrinsic justice of democracy grounded in the principle of equal consideration of interests. Each citizen is entitled to a single vote, equal in weight to all other citizens. The problem with this picture is that all citizens must meet a threshold of minimal competence. My argument is that Christiano is wrong to claim a minimum threshold of competency is fully consistent with the principle of equality. While standards of minimal competency may be (...)
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  12. Zsuzsanna Chappell (2008). Rational Choice and Democratic Deliberation: A Theory of Discourse Failure, by Guido Pincione and Fernando R. Tesón, 2006, XI + 258 Pages. [REVIEW] Economics and Philosophy 24 (1):105-111.
  13. Mark J. Cherry (2009). Discourse Failure and the (Ir)Rational Politics of Democratic Decision Making. Journal of Value Inquiry 43 (1):119-127.
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  14. Joshua Cohen (2003). Delibration and Democratic Legitimacy. In Derek Matravers & Jonathan E. Pike (eds.), Debates in Contemporary Political Philosophy: An Anthology. Routledge, in Association with the Open University.
  15. Fred D'Agostino (2003). Review: Democratic Legitimacy: Plural Values and Political Power. [REVIEW] Mind 112 (447):499-502.
  16. Gary Dann (1999). Democratic Values Education Revisited—Moral Realism or Pragmatism? Journal of Philosophy of Education 33 (2):187–199.
  17. Franz Dietrich & Kai Spiekermann (2013). Epistemic Democracy with Defensible Premises. Economics and Philosophy 29 (1):87--120.
    The contemporary theory of epistemic democracy often draws on the Condorcet Jury Theorem to formally justify the ‘wisdom of crowds’. But this theorem is inapplicable in its current form, since one of its premises – voter independence – is notoriously violated. This premise carries responsibility for the theorem's misleading conclusion that ‘large crowds are infallible’. We prove a more useful jury theorem: under defensible premises, ‘large crowds are fallible but better than small groups’. This theorem rehabilitates the importance of deliberation (...)
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  18. Gerald Doppelt (2001). Does the Extension of Democratic Decision-Making Imply Social Justice? Inquiry 44 (3):359 – 383.
  19. William Earle (2008). Some Recent Democratic Theory. Philosophical Forum 39 (3):373-403.
  20. David Ellerman, Does Classical Liberalism Imply Democracy?
    There is a fault line running through classical liberalism as to whether or not democratic self-governance is a necessary part of a liberal social order. The democratic and non-democratic strains of classical liberalism are both present today—particularly in America. Many contemporary libertarians and neo-Austrian economists represent the non-democratic strain. We will take the late James M. Buchanan as a representative of democratic classical liberalism (with assists from the earlier democratic classical liberal philosophers, John Stuart Mill and John Dewey). Unpacking the (...)
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  21. David Estlund (2005). Democratic Theory. In Frank Jackson & Michael Smith (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Philosophy. Oxford University Press. 208--30.
  22. Roberto Frega (2010). What Pragmatism Means by Public Reason. Etica and Politica / Ethics & Politics 12 (1):28-51.
  23. Holly Smith Goldman (1981). Two Concepts of Democracy. In Norman Bowie (ed.), Ethical Issues in Government. Temple University Press.
  24. Robert E. Goodin & David Estlund (2004). The Persuasiveness of Democratic Majorities. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 3 (2):131-142.
    Under the assumptions of the standard Condorcet Jury Theorem, majority verdicts are virtually certain to be correct if the competence of voters is greater than one-half, and virtually certain to be incorrect if voter competence is less than one-half. But which is the case? Here we turn the Jury Theorem on its head, to provide one way of addressing that question. The same logic implies that, if the outcome saw 60 percent of voters supporting one proposition and 40 percent the (...)
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  25. Robert E. Goodin & Christian List (2006). A Conditional Defense of Plurality Rule: Generalizing May's Theorem in a Restricted Informational Environment. American Journal of Political Science 50 (4):940-949.
    May's theorem famously shows that, in social decisions between two options, simple majority rule uniquely satisfies four appealing conditions. Although this result is often cited in support of majority rule, it has never been extended beyond decisions based on pairwise comparisons of options. We generalize May's theorem to many-option decisions where voters each cast one vote. Surprisingly, plurality rule uniquely satisfies May's conditions. This suggests a conditional defense of plurality rule: If a society's balloting procedure collects only a single vote (...)
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  26. Goodin, E. Robert & Kai Spiekermann (2012). Epistemic Aspects of Representative Government. European Political Science Review 4 (3):303--325.
    The Federalist, justifying the Electoral College to elect the president, claimed that a small group of more informed individuals would make a better decision than the general mass. But the Condorcet Jury Theorem tells us that the more independent, better-than-random voters there are, the more likely it will be that the majority among them will be correct. The question thus arises as to how much better, on average, members of the smaller group would have to be to compensate for the (...)
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  27. Russell Hardin (2002). Street-Level Epistemology and Democratic Participation. Journal of Political Philosophy 10 (2):212–229.
  28. James Hawthorne, Voting in Search of the Public Good: The Probabilistic Logic of Majority Judgments.
    I argue for an epistemic conception of voting, a conception on which the purpose of the ballot is at least in some cases to identify which of several policy proposals will best promote the public good. To support this view I first briefly investigate several notions of the kind of public good that public policy should promote. Then I examine the probability logic of voting as embodied in two very robust versions of the Condorcet Jury Theorem and some related results. (...)
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  29. David Hershenov, Two Epistemic Accounts of Democratic Legitimacy.
    Offered are two epistemic accounts of deliberative democracy which suggest the reasonable minority has epistemically sound reasons to willingly follow a reasonable majority position. One of these accounts suggests that the truth will be on the side of an overwhelming rational majority. This is because it is less likely that there is a widespread cognitive failure that “contaminates” the moral intuitions of rational majority than a rational minority. The second account suggests that where there is a rational disagreement, instead of (...)
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  30. Meena Krishnamurthy (2012). Reconceiving Rawls's Arguments for Equal Political Liberty and Its Fair Value. Social Theory and Practice 38 (2):258-278.
    Few have discussed Rawls's arguments for the value of democracy. This is because his arguments, as arguments that the principle of equal basic liberty should include democratic liberties, are incomplete. Rawls says little about the inclusion of political liberties of a democratic sort – such as the right to vote – among the basic liberties. And, at times, what he does say is unconvincing. My aim is to complete and, where they fail, to reconceive Rawls's arguments and to show that (...)
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  31. Annabelle Lever (2009). Is Compulsory Voting Justified? Public Reason 1 (1):57-74.
    This paper examines Jeremy Waldron’s ‘core case’ against judicial review. Waldron’s arguments, it shows, exaggerate the importance of voting to our judgements about the legitimacy and democratic credentials of a society and its government. Moreover, Waldron is insufficiently sensitive to the ways that judicial review can provide a legitimate avenue of political activity for those seeking to rectify historic injustice. While judicial review is not necessary for democratic government, the paper concludes that Waldron is wrong to believe that it is (...)
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  32. Christian List (2006). The Discursive Dilemma and Public Reason. Ethics 116 (2):362-402.
    Political theorists have offered many accounts of collective decision-making under pluralism. I discuss a key dimension on which such accounts differ: the importance assigned not only to the choices made but also to the reasons underlying those choices. On that dimension, different accounts lie in between two extremes. The ‘minimal liberal account’ holds that collective decisions should be made only on practical actions or policies and that underlying reasons should be kept private. The ‘comprehensive deliberative account’ stresses the importance of (...)
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  33. Matthew Lister (2012). There is No Human Right to Democracy. But May We Promote It Anyway? Stanford Journal of International Law 48 (2):257.
    The idea of “promoting democracy” is one that goes in and out of favor. With the advent of the so-called “Arab Spring”, the idea of promoting democracy abroad has come up for discussion once again. Yet an important recent line of thinking about human rights, starting with John Rawls’s book The Law of Peoples, has held that there is no human right to democracy, and that nondemocratic states that respect human rights should be “beyond reproach” in the realm of international (...)
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  34. Simon Căbulea May (2011). Democracy and Moral Conflict. [REVIEW] Ethics 121 (3):685-90.
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  35. María G. Navarro (2009). Review of 'Democracia Feminista' by Alicia Miyares. [REVIEW] Isegoría 38:213-217.
    Tenemos aquí un claro ejemplo de dos lecturas en las que se aquilata la pertenencia de la investigación feminista al lema que reza theoria cum praxi. Divisa esta que encierra una problemática que ha sido leída de muy diversos modos en la historia de la filosofía, y sobre cuya dilemática relación también en la historia del feminismo se han apuntado claves esenciales.
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  36. Fabienne Peter, The Epistemic Circumstances of Democracy.
    Does political decision-making require experts or can a democracy be trusted to make correct decisions? This question has a long-standing tradition in political philosophy, going back at least to Plato’s Republic. Critics of democracy tend to argue that democracy cannot be trusted in this way while advocates tend to argue that it can. Both camps agree that it is the epistemic quality of the outcomes of political decision-making processes that underpins the legitimacy of political institutions. In recent political philosophy, epistemic (...)
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  37. David T. Risser (1999). Democratic Process. In Christopher B. Gray (ed.), The Philosophy of Law: An Encyclopedia (vol. 1). Garland Publishing, Inc.:193-195.
    The participation of its citizens in the making of public policy is the defining feature of a democratic regime and represents popular sovereignity in action. There are a number of serious problems which threaten the quality or even the legitimacy of the democratic process. The focus of this entry is on four of the most important problems or flaws in democratic politics, particularly democratic politics in the U.S. These four are (1) political agenda formation, (2) the scope and bias of (...)
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  38. Dominic Scott (2000). Plato's Critique of the Democratic Character. Phronesis 45 (1):19 - 37.
    This paper tackles some issues arising from Plato's account of the democratic man in Rep. VIII. One problem is that Plato tends to analyse him in terms of the desires that he fulfils, yet sends out conflicting signals about exactly what kind of desires are at issue. Scholars are divided over whether all of the democrat's desires are appetites. There is, however, strong evidence against seeing him as exclusively appetitive: rather he is someone who satisfies desires from all three parts (...)
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  39. Marco Solinas (2009). Review of Hauke Brunkhorst, Habermas. [REVIEW] Iride (56):253-254.
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  40. Nicholas Southwood (2013). Democracy as a Modally Demanding Value. Noûs 47 (2).
    Imperialism seems to be deeply antithetical to democracy. Yet, at least one form of imperialism – what I call “hands-off imperialism" – seems to be perfectly compatible with the kind of self-governance commonly thought to be the hallmark of democracy. The solution to this puzzle is to recognize that democracy involves more than self-governance. Rather, it involves what I call self-rule. Self-rule is an example of what Philip Pettit has called a modally demanding value. Modally demanding values are, roughly, values (...)
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  41. Kai Spiekermann & Robert E. Goodin (2012). Courts of Many Minds. British Journal of Political Science 42:555-571.
    In 'A Constitution of Many Minds' Cass Sunstein argues that the three major approaches to constitutional interpretation – Traditionalism, Populism and Cosmopolitanism – all rely on some variation of a ‘many-minds’ argument. Here we assess each of these claims through the lens of the Condorcet Jury Theorem. In regard to the first two approaches we explore the implications of sequential influence among courts (past and foreign, respectively). In regard to the Populist approach, we consider the influence of opinion leaders.
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  42. Jonathan Waskan (1998). De Facto Legitimacy and Popular Will. Social Theory and Practice 24 (1):25-56.