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  1. S. C. A. (1974). The Liberal Theory of Justice. Review of Metaphysics 28 (1):116-117.
  2. Asma Abbas (2010). Liberalism and Human Suffering: Materialist Reflections on Politics, Ethics, and Aesthetics. Palgrave Macmillan.
    This book investigates the sources and implications of our encounters with suffering in contemporary politics and culture, exploring the forces that determine ...
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  3. Ruth Abbey (2007). Back Toward a Comprehensive Liberalism? Justice as Fairness, Gender, and Families. Political Theory 35 (1):5 - 28.
    This article examines the attempts by John Rawls in the works published after "Political Liberalism" to engage with some of the feminist responses to his work. Rawls goes a long way toward addressing some of the major feminist-liberal concerns. Yet this has the unintended consequence of pushing justice as fairness in the direction of a more comprehensive, rather than a strictly political, form of liberalism. This does not seem to be a problem peculiar to Rawls: rather, any form of liberalism (...)
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  4. Farid Abdel-Nour (2000). Liberalism and Ethnocentrism. Journal of Political Philosophy 8 (2):207–226.
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  5. Brooke A. Ackerly (2005). Is Liberalism the Only Way Toward Democracy? Confucianism and Democracy. Political Theory 33 (4):547 - 576.
    This article identifies a foundation for Confucian democratic political thought in Confucian thought. Each of the three aspects emphasized is controversial, but supported by views held within the historical debates and development of Confucian political thought and practice. This democratic interpretation of Confucian political thought leads to (1) an expectation that all people are capable of ren and therefore potentially virtuous contributors to political life; (2) an expectation that the institutions of political, social, and economic life function so as to (...)
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  6. Bruce Ackerman (1994). Political Liberalisms. Journal of Philosophy 91 (7):364-386.
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  7. Terrence F. Ackerman (1984). Medical Ethics and the Two Dogmas of Liberalism. Theoretical Medicine and Bioethics 5 (1).
    Two dogmas of liberalism in the therapeutic setting are challenged: (1) that patients have a ready-made ability to act autonomously; and (2) that non-intervention by physicians is the best strategy for protecting the autonomy of patients. Recognition of the impact of illness upon autonomous behavior forms the basis of this challenge. It is suggested that autonomy is better conceived as a process of personal growth by which patients become better able to overcome the disruptive effects of illness. The physician is (...)
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  8. Jeremy Adelman & Miguel Angel Centeno (2002). Between Liberalism and Neoliberalism : Law's Dilemma in Latin America. In Yves Dezalay & Bryant G. Garth (eds.), Global Prescriptions: The Production, Exportation, and Importation of a New Legal Orthodoxy. University of Michigan Press.
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  9. Matthew D. Adler (2010). Arnold, N. Scott . Imposing Values: An Essay on Liberalism and Regulation . Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009 . Pp. 486. $74.00 (Cloth). [REVIEW] Ethics 120 (4):831-836.
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  10. Hanan A. Alexander (2008). Engaging Tradition : Michael Oakeshott on Liberal Learning. In Stephen Gough & Andrew Stables (eds.), Sustainability and Security Within Liberal Societies: Learning to Live with the Future. Routledge.
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  11. Larry Alexander & Maimon Schwarzschild (1987). Liberalism, Neutrality, and Equality of Welfare Vs. Equality of Resources. Philosophy and Public Affairs 16 (1):85-110.
  12. C. Fred Alford (2004). Levinas and Political Theory. Political Theory 32 (2):146-171.
    How best to avoid the Levinas Effect, as it has been called, the tendency to make Emmanuel Levinas everything to everyone? One way is to demonstrate that Levinas's thinking does not fit into any of the categories by which we ordinarily approach political theory. If one were forced to categorize Levinas's political theory, the term "inverted liberalism " would come closest to the mark. As long, that is, as one emphasizes the term "inverted" over "liberalism." Levinas's defense of liberalism is (...)
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  13. Saul Alinsky (1972). Liberating America's Liberals. Journal of Social Philosophy 3 (2):1-6.
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  14. Derek P. H. Allen (1984). Marx and Justice: The Radical Critique of Liberalism Allen Buchanan Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1982. Pp. Vii, 206. $23.50. [REVIEW] Dialogue 23 (02):343-345.
  15. R. T. Allen (1999). Beyond Liberalism. Tradition and Discovery 26 (1):16-18.
    This is a brief response to S. Jacob’s review of Beyond Liberalism.
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  16. Brenda Almond (1994). The Retreat From Liberty. Critical Review 8 (2):235-246.
    In What's the Matter with Liberalism? Ronald Beiner diagnoses the ills of liberalism along the three broad fronts where it is now widely challenged: its pretensions to moral neutrality; its lack of cultural standards; and its inability to deal with crime, unemployment, family breakdown, homeless?ness, rampant consumerism, and global environmental and economic problems. But even in its minimalist classical formulation, liberalism entails a substantive moral position, and is committed to resisting the violations of rights that lead to the crises (...)
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  17. Andrew Altman (1993). Liberalism and Campus Hate Speech: A Philosophical Examination. Ethics 103 (2):302-317.
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  18. Edward Scribner Ames (1936). Liberalism in Religion. International Journal of Ethics 46 (4):429-443.
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  19. Charles W. Anderson (1984). Book Review:Corporate Liberalism: The Origins of Modern American Political Theory, 1890-1920. R. Jeffrey Lustig. [REVIEW] Ethics 94 (2):353-.
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  20. Charles W. Anderson (1984). Book Review:Liberalism Reconsidered. Douglas MacLean, Claudia Mills; Liberalism and the Origins of European Social Theory. Steven Seidman. [REVIEW] Ethics 95 (1):149-.
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  21. Elizabeth Anderson (2009). Toward a Non-Ideal, Relational Methodology for Political Philosophy: Comments on Schwartzman's "Challenging Liberalism". Hypatia 24 (4):130 - 145.
  22. Emil Andersson (2011). Political Liberalism and the Interests of Children: A Reply to Timothy Michael Fowler. Res Publica 17 (3):291-296.
    Timothy Michael Fowler has argued that, as a consequence of their commitment to neutrality in regard to comprehensive doctrines, political liberals face a dilemma. In essence, the dilemma for political liberals is that either they have to give up their commitment to neutrality (which is an indispensible part of their view), or they have to allow harm to children. Fowler’s case for this dilemma depends on ascribing to political liberals a view which grants parents a great degree of freedom in (...)
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  23. Edward Andrew & Peter Lindsay (2008). Are the Judgments of Conscience Unreasonable? Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 11 (2):235-254.
    This paper examines the tensions in classical liberal theory ? particularly that of Locke and Kant ? between reason and conscience, and in contemporary liberal theory between the demands of reasonableness and the dictates of conscience. We intend to show that the relationship between reasonableness and conscience is both unstable and necessary; on occasions there seems to exist a moral obligation to provide public reasons for our conduct and at other times the silent call of conscience precludes public justification of (...)
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  24. Anatole Anton (2010). The Twilight of Martial Liberalism. Radical Philosophy Review 13 (2):161-166.
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  25. Norbert Anwander (2000). John Kekes, Against Liberalism. Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 3 (2):219-221.
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  26. Andrew Arato (1995). Special Section: The Return of Tiye Left in Central Europe? Constellations 2 (1):1-11.
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  27. D. Archard (2010). Liberalism and Prostitution * By PETER DE MARNEFFE. Analysis 70 (3):595-597.
    (No abstract is available for this citation).
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  28. D. Archard (2007). Negotiating Diversity: Liberalism, Democracy and Cultural Difference Matthew Festenstein. Contemporary Political Theory 6 (4):496.
  29. David Archard (2013). Dirty Hands and the Complicity of the Democratic Public. Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 16 (4):777-790.
    The alleged problem of the dirty hands of politicians has been much discussed since Michael Walzer’s original piece (Walzer 1974). The discussion has concerned the precise nature of the problem or sought to dissolve the apparent paradox. However there has been little discussion of the putative complicity, and thus also dirtying of hands, of a democratic public that authorizes politicians to act in its name. This article outlines the sense in which politicians do get dirty hands and the degree to (...)
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  30. David Archard (2001). Political Disagreement, Legitimacy, and Civility. Philosophical Explorations 4 (3):207 – 222.
    For many contemporary liberal political philosophers the appropriate response to the facts of pluralism is the requirement of public reasonableness, namely that individuals should be able to offer to their fellow citizens reasons for their political actions that can generally be accepted.This article finds wanting two possible arguments for such a requirement: one from a liberal principle of legitimacy and the other from a natural duty of political civility. A respect in which conversational restraint in the face of political agreement (...)
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  31. David Archard (1996). Classical Liberalism: The Unvanquished Ideal by David Conway Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1995, Ix + 150 Pp., £40.00. [REVIEW] Philosophy 71 (278):628-.
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  32. Richard J. Arneson (2011). Liberalism, Capitalism, and “Socialist” Principles. Social Philosophy and Policy 28 (2):232-261.
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  33. Richard J. Arneson (1990). Liberalism, Distributive Subjectivism, and Equal Opportunity for Welfare. Philosophy and Public Affairs 19 (2):158-194.
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  34. Richard J. Arneson (1990). Liberalism, Freedom, and Community:Harmless Wrongdoing, Vol. 4 The Moral Limts of the Criminal Law. Joel Feinberg. Ethics 100 (2):368-.
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  35. N. Scott Arnold (2009). Imposing Values: Liberalism and Regulation. OUP USA.
    A major question for liberal politics and liberal political theory concerns the proper scope of government. Liberalism has always favored limited government, but there has been wide-ranging dispute among liberals about just how extensive the scope of government should be. Included in this dispute are questions about the extent of state ownership of the means of production, redistribution of wealth and income through the tax code and transfer programs, and the extent of government regulation. One of N. Scott Arnold's goals (...)
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  36. N. Scott Arnold (2000). Postmodern Liberalism and the Expressive Function of Law. Social Philosophy and Policy 17 (01):87-.
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  37. Richard Ashcraft (1992). Liberalism and the Problem of Poverty. Critical Review 6 (4):493-516.
    From the seventeenth to the mid?nineteenth centuries, the language of natural law and natural rights structured the commitment of liberalism to the development of both a market society and democratic political institutions. The existence of widespread poverty was seen, at various times, as a problem to be resolved either by an expanding commercial/capitalistic society or through democratic political reform. As Thomas Home shows in Property Rights and Poverty, liberalism as apolitical theory has, from its origins, been deeply committed to (at (...)
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  38. Kobi Assoulin (2009). Liberalism as a Lifestyle: Interpreting Rorty's Way of Approaching Liberalism. Philosophy and Social Criticism 35 (3):339-355.
    In this article I offer a way of interpreting Richard Rorty's political suggestions. I believe Rorty's lack of offering concrete proposals for dealing with the usual key problems of liberalism is deliberate. I look at this lack from a generous point of view and claim that what Rorty offers us is another kind of political intentionality. As a pragmatist, Rorty does not look for a foundational way of justifying things but, instead, searches for a description that makes liberalism an attractive (...)
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  39. Dennis Auerbach (1987). Liberalism in Search of its Self. Critical Review 1 (3):7-29.
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  40. Albena Azmanova (2010). Capitalism Reorganized: Social Justice After Neo-Liberalism. Constellations 17 (3):390-406.
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  41. Blaise Bachofen (ed.) (2008). Le Libéralisme au Miroir du Droit: L'État, la Personne, la Propriété. Ens Éditions.
    La notion de libéralisme crée un sentiment trompeur de familiarité : sa présence envahissante dans le débat public brouille le plus souvent sa compréhension.
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  42. Michael Bacon (2011). Richard Rorty : Liberalism, Irony, and Social Hope. In Catherine H. Zuckert (ed.), Political Philosophy in the Twentieth Century: Authors and Arguments. Cambridge University Press.
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  43. Michael Bacon (2003). Liberal Universalism: On Brian Barry and Richard Rorty. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 6 (2):41-62.
    At first sight it would seem difficult to find two philosophers as different as Brian Barry and Richard Rorty. It is widely held that the former is one of the most forceful proponents of liberal universalism, whereas the latter is typically viewed as the quintessential relativist. In this essay, different usages of the term univeralism are considered, and it is argued that Rorty's position is much closer to that of Barry than is generally supposed. Indeed, the article concludes by suggesting (...)
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  44. Neera K. Badhwar, Pluralism, Community, and Friendship.
    Liberal political theory sees justice as the "first virtue" of a good society, the virtue that guides individuals’ conceptions of their own good, and protects the equal liberty of all to pursue their ends, so long as these ends and pursuits are just. But ever since Marx’s declaration that "liberty as a right of man is not founded upon the relations between man and man, but rather upon the separation of man from..
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  45. Amy R. Baehr (1996). Toward a New Feminist Liberalism: Okin, Rawls, and Habermas. Hypatia 11 (1):49 - 66.
    While Okin's feminist appropriation of Rawls's theory of justice requires that principles of justice be applied directly to the family, Rawls seems to require only that the family be minimally just. Rawls's recent proposal dulls the critical edge of liberalism by capitulating too much to those holding sexist doctrines. Okin's proposal, however, is insufficiently flexible. An alternative account of the relation of the political and the nonpolitical is offered by Jürgen Habermas.
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  46. Maria Baghramian & Attracta Ingram (eds.) (2000). Pluralism: The Philosophy and Politics of Diversity. Routledge.
    Pluralism: The Philosophy and Politics of Diversity is the first volume to open the window on philosophical pluralism and link pluralist themes in philosophy and politics. It advances recent debates on political pluralism in a range of essays that challenge or defend the association of liberalism and pluralism. The volume is divided into three parts: an investigation of the philosophical sources of pluralism, including an essay on William James; the value of pluralism and liberalism, discussing the compatibility of these ideas; (...)
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  47. Annette C. Baier (1993). How Can Individualists Share Responsibility? Political Theory 21 (2):228-248.
  48. Sotirios A. Barber (2007). Liberalism and the Constitution. Social Philosophy and Policy 24 (1):234-265.
    If the U.S. Constitution is a liberal Constitution, liberal governments can have a constitutional obligation to secure positive benefits or welfare rights. The original constitutional text describes a government instrumental to the Preamble's abstract ends or goods. Constitutional rights can be reconciled to the text's instrumentalist logic by viewing them as functional to better conceptions of abstract ends among actors who would compensate for their fallibility. The Federalist confirms the instrumentalism of the constitutional text. Conservative writers who treat negative liberties (...)
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  49. Linda Barclay (2005). Liberalism and Diversity. In Frank Jackson & Michael Smith (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Philosophy. Oxford University Press. 155--180.
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  50. Rodney Barker (2006). Liberal Languages: Ideological Imaginations and Twentieth-Century Progressive Thought. Contemporary Political Theory 5 (1):101.
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