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  1. S. C. A. (1974). The Liberal Theory of Justice. Review of Metaphysics 28 (1):116-117.
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  2. Asma Abbas (2010). Liberalism and Human Suffering: Materialist Reflections on Politics, Ethics, and Aesthetics. Palgrave Macmillan.
    This book investigates the sources and implications of our encounters with suffering in contemporary politics and culture, exploring the forces that determine ...
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  3. Ruth Abbey (2007). Back Toward a Comprehensive Liberalism? Justice as Fairness, Gender, and Families. Political Theory 35 (1):5 - 28.
    This article examines the attempts by John Rawls in the works published after "Political Liberalism" to engage with some of the feminist responses to his work. Rawls goes a long way toward addressing some of the major feminist-liberal concerns. Yet this has the unintended consequence of pushing justice as fairness in the direction of a more comprehensive, rather than a strictly political, form of liberalism. This does not seem to be a problem peculiar to Rawls: rather, any form of liberalism (...)
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  4. Ruth Abbey (2007). Review of Ian Fraser, Dialectics of the Self: Transcending Charles Taylor. [REVIEW] Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews 2007 (7).
  5. Ruth Abbey (ed.) (2004). Charles Taylor. Cambridge University Press.
    Charles Taylor is beyond question one of the most distinctive figures in the landscape of contemporary philosophy. In a time of increasing specialization Taylor's ability to contribute to philosophical conversations across a wide spectrum of ideas is distinctive and impressive. These areas include moral theory, theories of subjectivity, political theory, epistemology, hermeneutics, philosophy of mind, philosophy of language and aesthetics. His most recent writings have seen him branching into the study of religion. Written by a team of international authorities, this (...)
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  6. Farid Abdel-Nour (2000). Liberalism and Ethnocentrism. Journal of Political Philosophy 8 (2):207–226.
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  7. Brooke A. Ackerly (2005). Is Liberalism the Only Way Toward Democracy? Confucianism and Democracy. Political Theory 33 (4):547 - 576.
    This article identifies a foundation for Confucian democratic political thought in Confucian thought. Each of the three aspects emphasized is controversial, but supported by views held within the historical debates and development of Confucian political thought and practice. This democratic interpretation of Confucian political thought leads to (1) an expectation that all people are capable of ren and therefore potentially virtuous contributors to political life; (2) an expectation that the institutions of political, social, and economic life function so as to (...)
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  8. Bruce Ackerman (1994). Political Liberalisms. Journal of Philosophy 91 (7):364-386.
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  9. Terrence F. Ackerman (1984). Medical Ethics and the Two Dogmas of Liberalism. Theoretical Medicine and Bioethics 5 (1).
    Two dogmas of liberalism in the therapeutic setting are challenged: (1) that patients have a ready-made ability to act autonomously; and (2) that non-intervention by physicians is the best strategy for protecting the autonomy of patients. Recognition of the impact of illness upon autonomous behavior forms the basis of this challenge. It is suggested that autonomy is better conceived as a process of personal growth by which patients become better able to overcome the disruptive effects of illness. The physician is (...)
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  10. Jeremy Adelman & Miguel Angel Centeno (2002). Between Liberalism and Neoliberalism : Law's Dilemma in Latin America. In Yves Dezalay & Bryant G. Garth (eds.), Global Prescriptions: The Production, Exportation, and Importation of a New Legal Orthodoxy. University of Michigan Press
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  11. Matthew D. Adler (2010). Arnold, N. Scott . Imposing Values: An Essay on Liberalism and Regulation . Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009 . Pp. 486. $74.00 (Cloth). [REVIEW] Ethics 120 (4):831-836.
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  12. Donald C. Ainslie (2002). Bioethics and the Problem of Pluralism. Social Philosophy and Policy 19 (2):1-28.
    The state that we inhabit plays a significant role in shaping our lives. For not only do its institutions constrain the kinds of lives we can lead, but it also claims the right to punish us if our choices take us beyond what it deems to be appropriate limits. Political philosophers have traditionally tried to justify the state's power by appealing to their preferred theories of justice, as articulated in complex and wide-ranging moral theories—utilitarianism, Kantianism, and the like. One of (...)
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  13. Hanan A. Alexander (2008). Engaging Tradition : Michael Oakeshott on Liberal Learning. In Stephen Gough & Andrew Stables (eds.), Sustainability and Security Within Liberal Societies: Learning to Live with the Future. Routledge
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  14. Larry Alexander & Maimon Schwarzschild (1987). Liberalism, Neutrality, and Equality of Welfare Vs. Equality of Resources. Philosophy and Public Affairs 16 (1):85-110.
  15. C. Fred Alford (2004). Levinas and Political Theory. Political Theory 32 (2):146-171.
    How best to avoid the Levinas Effect, as it has been called, the tendency to make Emmanuel Levinas everything to everyone? One way is to demonstrate that Levinas's thinking does not fit into any of the categories by which we ordinarily approach political theory. If one were forced to categorize Levinas's political theory, the term "inverted liberalism " would come closest to the mark. As long, that is, as one emphasizes the term "inverted" over "liberalism." Levinas's defense of liberalism is (...)
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  16. Saul Alinsky (1972). Liberating America's Liberals. Journal of Social Philosophy 3 (2):1-6.
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  17. Derek P. H. Allen (1984). Marx and Justice: The Radical Critique of Liberalism Allen Buchanan Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1982. Pp. Vii, 206. $23.50. [REVIEW] Dialogue 23 (02):343-345.
  18. R. T. Allen (1999). Beyond Liberalism. Tradition and Discovery 26 (1):16-18.
    This is a brief response to S. Jacob’s review of Beyond Liberalism.
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  19. Brenda Almond (1994). The Retreat From Liberty. Critical Review 8 (2):235-246.
    In What's the Matter with Liberalism? Ronald Beiner diagnoses the ills of liberalism along the three broad fronts where it is now widely challenged: its pretensions to moral neutrality; its lack of cultural standards; and its inability to deal with crime, unemployment, family breakdown, homeless?ness, rampant consumerism, and global environmental and economic problems. But even in its minimalist classical formulation, liberalism entails a substantive moral position, and is committed to resisting the violations of rights that lead to the crises (...)
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  20. Andrew Altman (1993). Liberalism and Campus Hate Speech: A Philosophical Examination. Ethics 103 (2):302-317.
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  21. Robert Amdur (1975). The Liberal Theory of Justice. [REVIEW] Political Theory 3 (1):100-103.
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  22. Edward Scribner Ames (1936). Liberalism in Religion. International Journal of Ethics 46 (4):429-443.
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  23. Charles W. Anderson (1984). Book Review:Corporate Liberalism: The Origins of Modern American Political Theory, 1890-1920. R. Jeffrey Lustig. [REVIEW] Ethics 94 (2):353-.
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  24. Charles W. Anderson (1984). Book Review:Liberalism Reconsidered. Douglas MacLean, Claudia Mills; Liberalism and the Origins of European Social Theory. Steven Seidman. [REVIEW] Ethics 95 (1):149-.
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  25. D. Anderson (1994). False Stability and Defensive Justification in Rawlsian Liberalism: A Feminist Critique. In Robert Paul Churchill (ed.), The Ethics of Liberal Democracy: Morality and Democracy in Theory and Practice. Berg 47--70.
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  26. Elizabeth Anderson (2009). Toward a Non-Ideal, Relational Methodology for Political Philosophy: Comments on Schwartzman's "Challenging Liberalism". Hypatia 24 (4):130 - 145.
  27. Emil Andersson (2011). Political Liberalism and the Interests of Children: A Reply to Timothy Michael Fowler. Res Publica 17 (3):291-296.
    Timothy Michael Fowler has argued that, as a consequence of their commitment to neutrality in regard to comprehensive doctrines, political liberals face a dilemma. In essence, the dilemma for political liberals is that either they have to give up their commitment to neutrality (which is an indispensible part of their view), or they have to allow harm to children. Fowler’s case for this dilemma depends on ascribing to political liberals a view which grants parents a great degree of freedom in (...)
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  28. Edward Andrew & Peter Lindsay (2008). Are the Judgments of Conscience Unreasonable? Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 11 (2):235-254.
    This paper examines the tensions in classical liberal theory ? particularly that of Locke and Kant ? between reason and conscience, and in contemporary liberal theory between the demands of reasonableness and the dictates of conscience. We intend to show that the relationship between reasonableness and conscience is both unstable and necessary; on occasions there seems to exist a moral obligation to provide public reasons for our conduct and at other times the silent call of conscience precludes public justification of (...)
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  29. Anatole Anton (2010). The Twilight of Martial Liberalism. Radical Philosophy Review 13 (2):161-166.
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  30. Norbert Anwander (2000). John Kekes, Against Liberalism. Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 3 (2):219-221.
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  31. Kwame Anthony Appiah (2001). Liberalism, Individuality, and Identity. Critical Inquiry 27 (2):305.
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  32. Andrew Arato (1995). Special Section: The Return of Tiye Left in Central Europe? Constellations 2 (1):1-11.
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  33. D. Archard (2010). Liberalism and Prostitution * By PETER DE MARNEFFE. Analysis 70 (3):595-597.
    (No abstract is available for this citation).
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  34. D. Archard (2007). Negotiating Diversity: Liberalism, Democracy and Cultural Difference Matthew Festenstein. Contemporary Political Theory 6 (4):496.
  35. David Archard (2013). Dirty Hands and the Complicity of the Democratic Public. Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 16 (4):777-790.
    The alleged problem of the dirty hands of politicians has been much discussed since Michael Walzer’s original piece (Walzer 1974). The discussion has concerned the precise nature of the problem or sought to dissolve the apparent paradox. However there has been little discussion of the putative complicity, and thus also dirtying of hands, of a democratic public that authorizes politicians to act in its name. This article outlines the sense in which politicians do get dirty hands and the degree to (...)
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  36. David Archard (2001). Political Disagreement, Legitimacy, and Civility. Philosophical Explorations 4 (3):207 – 222.
    For many contemporary liberal political philosophers the appropriate response to the facts of pluralism is the requirement of public reasonableness, namely that individuals should be able to offer to their fellow citizens reasons for their political actions that can generally be accepted.This article finds wanting two possible arguments for such a requirement: one from a liberal principle of legitimacy and the other from a natural duty of political civility. A respect in which conversational restraint in the face of political agreement (...)
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  37. David Archard (1996). Classical Liberalism: The Unvanquished Ideal by David Conway Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1995, Ix + 150 Pp., £40.00. [REVIEW] Philosophy 71 (278):628-.
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  38. Richard Arneson, Liberal Neutrality on the Good: An Autopsy.
    Should government be neutral "on the question of the good life, or of what gives value to life"?1 Some political theorists propose that governmental neutrality is a core commitment of any liberalism worth the name and a requirement of justice. For them, neutrality is the appropriate generalization of the ideal of religious tolerance. The state should be neutral in matters of religion, and neutral also in all controversies concerning the nature of the good or the ways in which it is (...)
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  39. Richard Arneson (2014). Rejecting the Order of Public Reason. Philosophical Studies 170 (3):537-544.
    Gerald Gaus’s latest book achieves a remarkable, definitive development of the public reason project whose roots can be traced back to Locke and Kant and which had already attained its full expression in the later writing of John Rawls—or so we had thought! In fact Gaus takes a long step beyond Rawls.Gaus (2011). Page numbers enclosed in parentheses of the text refer to this book. For John Rawls on public reason, see especially his A Theory of Justice (1999); also Rawls (...)
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  40. Richard J. Arneson (2011). Liberalism, Capitalism, and “Socialist” Principles. Social Philosophy and Policy 28 (2):232-261.
    One way to think about capitalism-versus-socialism is to examine the extent to which capitalist economic institutions are compatible with the fulfillment of socialist ideals. The late G. A. Cohen has urged that the two are strongly incompatible. He imagines how it would make sense for friends to organize a camping trip, distills the socialist moral principles that he sees fulfilled in the camping trip model, and observes that these principles conflict with a capitalist organization of the economy. He adds that (...)
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  41. Richard J. Arneson (1990). Liberalism, Distributive Subjectivism, and Equal Opportunity for Welfare. Philosophy and Public Affairs 19 (2):158-194.
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  42. Richard J. Arneson (1990). Liberalism, Freedom, and Community:Harmless Wrongdoing, Vol. 4 The Moral Limts of the Criminal Law. Joel Feinberg. Ethics 100 (2):368-.
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  43. N. Scott Arnold (2009). Imposing Values: Liberalism and Regulation. OUP Usa.
    Imposing Values provides an even-handed characterization of the differences between modern liberalism and classical liberalism about the proper scope of government. It also systematically and comprehensively discusses arguments for and against various regulatory regimes favored by modern liberals and opposed by classical liberals.
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  44. N. Scott Arnold (2000). Postmodern Liberalism and the Expressive Function of Law. Social Philosophy and Policy 17 (01):87-.
    In 1992, the city of Boulder, Colorado, passed an ordinance forbidding discrimination against homosexuals in employment and housing. Two years later, voters in the state of Colorado passed a constitutional amendment forbidding the passage of local ordinances prohibiting this form of discrimination. The constitutional amendment did not mandate discrimination against homosexuals; it merely nullified ordinances such as Boulder's. The amendment was later struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court as unconstitutional.
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  45. Richard Ashcraft (1992). Liberalism and the Problem of Poverty. Critical Review 6 (4):493-516.
    From the seventeenth to the mid?nineteenth centuries, the language of natural law and natural rights structured the commitment of liberalism to the development of both a market society and democratic political institutions. The existence of widespread poverty was seen, at various times, as a problem to be resolved either by an expanding commercial/capitalistic society or through democratic political reform. As Thomas Home shows in Property Rights and Poverty, liberalism as apolitical theory has, from its origins, been deeply committed to (at (...)
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  46. Kobi Assoulin (2009). Liberalism as a Lifestyle: Interpreting Rorty's Way of Approaching Liberalism. Philosophy and Social Criticism 35 (3):339-355.
    In this article I offer a way of interpreting Richard Rorty's political suggestions. I believe Rorty's lack of offering concrete proposals for dealing with the usual key problems of liberalism is deliberate. I look at this lack from a generous point of view and claim that what Rorty offers us is another kind of political intentionality. As a pragmatist, Rorty does not look for a foundational way of justifying things but, instead, searches for a description that makes liberalism an attractive (...)
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  47. R. F. Atkinson (1993). Liberalism and Modem Society: An Historical Argument. Philosophical Books 34 (3):179-180.
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  48. Demeter M. Attila (2010). Aspecte ale liberalismului englez/ Aspects of British Liberalism. Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies 2 (4):113-121.
    The paper attempts to reconstruct the intellectual frame- work of British liberal tradition focusing on two major problems of it, namely the problem of justice and that of political liberty. The liberal interpretation of justice is meant to tolerate all possible individual views of good life, consequently it cannot be established on one of them. This means that the interpretation of justice shouldn’t be derived from some philosophy, as any interpretation has its basis in the political tradition of modernity. Conse- (...)
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  49. Catherine Audard (1995). The Idea of “Free Public Reason”. Ratio Juris 8 (1):15-29.
    In this paper the nature and the role of Rawls's idea of a “free public reason” are examined with an emphasis on the divide between the private and the public spheres, a divide which is the hallmark of a liberal democracy. Criticisms from both the so-called Continental tradition and the Communitarian opponents to liberalism insist on the ineffectiveness of such a conception, on its inability to establish a political consensus on democracy. But it would be a mistake to see a (...)
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  50. Dennis Auerbach (1987). Liberalism in Search of its Self. Critical Review 1 (3):7-29.
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