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  1. Judith Baker (1995). A Reply in Defense of Impartiality. Political Theory 23 (1):92-100.
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Minority Rights
  1. Brian Barry (1996). Book Review:Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights. Will Kymlicka. Ethics 107 (1):153-.
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  2. David C. Bricker (1998). Autonomy and Culture: Will Kymlicka on Cultural Minority Rights. Southern Journal of Philosophy 36 (1):47-59.
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  3. Joseph H. Carens (2005). The Integration of Immigrants. Journal of Moral Philosophy 2 (1):29-46.
    This paper considers normative questions about the integration of legally resident immigrants into contemporary liberal democratic states. First, I ask to what extent immigrants should enjoy the same rights as citizens and on what terms they should have access to citizenship itself. I defend two general principles: (1) differential treatment requires justi.cation; (2) the longer immigrants have lived in the receiving society, the stronger their claim to equal rights and eventually to full citizenship. Second, I explore additional forms of economic, (...)
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  4. Anthony Ellis (2005). Minority Rights and the Preservation of Languages. Philosophy 80 (2):199-217.
    Do minority groups have a right to the preservation of their language? I argue that the rights of groups are always reducible to the rights of individuals. In that case, the question whether minorities have a right to the preservation of their language is a question of whether individuals have a right to it. I argue that, in the only relevant sense of ‘right’, they do not. They may have an interest in the preservation of their language, but, if so, (...)
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  5. Baogang He (2004). Confucianism Versus Liberalism Over Minority Rights: A Critical Response to Will Kymlicka. Journal of Chinese Philosophy 31 (1):103–123.
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  6. Suzy Killmister (forthcoming). Why Group Membership Matters; A Critical Typology. Ethnicities.
    The question of why group-differentiated rights might be a requirement of justice has been a central focus of identity politics in recent decades. I attempt to bring some clarity to this discussion by proposing a typology to track the various ways in which individuals can be harmed or benefited as a consequence of their membership in social groups. It is the well-being of individuals that group-differentiated rights should be understood as protecting, and so clarity on the relationship between group membership (...)
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  7. Suzy Killmister (2011). Group-Differentiated Rights and the Problem of Membership. Social Theory and Practice 37 (2):227-255.
    Justifications of group-differentiated rights commonly overlook a crucial practical consideration: if rights are to be allocated on the basis of group membership, how should we determine which individuals belong to which group? Assuming that social identities are fixed and transparent runs the risk of creating further injustices, whilst acknowledging that social groups are porous and heterogeneous runs the risk of rendering group-differentiated rights impracticable. In this paper, I develop a schema for determining group membership which avoids both horns of this (...)
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  8. Carl Knight (2004). Liberal Multiculturalism Reconsidered. Politics 24 (3):189-97.
    This article starts by setting out the evaluative criteria provided by Will Kymlicka's liberal account of individual freedom and equality. Kymlicka's theory of cultural minority rights is then analysed using these criteria and found to be defective in two respects. First, his assignment of different rights to national and ethnic groups is shown to be inegalitarian with regard to generations after the first. Second, his recommendation of strong cultural protections is shown in some circumstances to undermine freedom and equality. Towards (...)
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  9. William Korey (1994). Minority Rights After Helsinki. Ethics and International Affairs 8 (1):119–139.
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  10. Will Kymlicka (2009). Categorizing Groups, Categorizing States: Theorizing Minority Rights in a World of Deep Diversity. Ethics and International Affairs 23 (4):371-388.
    Since 1989 we have witnessed a proliferation of efforts to develop international norms of the rights of ethnocultural minorities, such as the UN's 1992 Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities, the Council of Europe's 1995 Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, and the Organization of American States' 1997 draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. This activity at the level of international law is reflected in a comparable explosion (...)
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  11. Will Kymlicka (1997). Do We Need a Liberal Theory of Minority Rights? Reply to Carens, Young, Parekh and Forst. Constellations 4 (1):72-87.
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  12. Will Kymlicka & Ruth Rubio Marin (1999). Liberalism and Minority Rights. An Interview. Ratio Juris 12 (2):133-152.
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  13. Jean-Christophe Merle (1998). Cultural Minority Rights and the Rights of the Majority in the Liberal State. Ratio Juris 11 (3):259-271.
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  14. Seumas Miller (2000). Collective Rights and Minority Rights. International Journal of Applied Philosophy 14 (2):241-257.
    The main purpose of this paper is to argue that there are no minority moral rights. Rights claimed to be minority moral rights, such as land rights and hunting rights of indigenous peoples, and the political and language rights of some minority cultures, turn out to be either collective moral rights which are not also minority moral rights, or else to be merely (possibly morally justified) legal minority rights which are not also minority moral rights.
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  15. Roland Pierik (2004). Ayelet Shachar: Multicultural Jurisdictions: Cultural Differences and Women’s Rights. [REVIEW] Political Theory 32 (4):585-589.
  16. Shelley Tremain (2008). The Biopolitics of Bioethics and Disability. Journal of Bioethical Inquiry 5 (2/3):101-106.
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  17. Shelley Tremain (2005). Foucault and the Government of Disability. University of Michigan Press.
    The provocative essays in this volume respond to Foucault's call to question what is regarded as natural, inevitable, ethical, and liberating, while they ...
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  18. P. A. van der Ploeg (1998). Minority Rights and Educational Authority. Journal of Philosophy of Education 32 (2):177–193.
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Identity Politics
  1. Linda Martin Alcoff, Who's Afraid of Identity Politics?
    This volume is an act of talking back, of talking heresy. To reclaim the term “realism,” to maintain the epistemic significance of identity, to defend any version of identity politics today is to swim upstream of strong academic currents in feminist theory, literary theory, and cultural studies. It is to risk, even to invite, a dismissal as naive, uninformed, theoretically unsophisticated. And it is a risk taken here by people already at risk in the academy, already assumed more often than (...)
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  2. Amy Allen (1999). Solidarity After Identity Politics: Hannah Arendt and the Power of Feminist Theory. Philosophy and Social Criticism 25 (1):97-118.
    This paper argues that Hannah Arendt's political theory offers key insights into the power that binds together the feminist movement - the power of solidarity. Second-wave feminist notions of solidarity were grounded in notions of shared identity; in recent years, as such conceptions of shared identity have come under attack for being exclusionary and repressive, feminists have been urged to give up the idea of solidarity altogether. However, the choice between (repressive) identity and (fragmented) non-identity is a false opposition, and (...)
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  3. Terhemba Nom Ambe-Uva (2011). Identity Politics and the Jos Crisis: Evidence, Lessons, and Challenges of Good Governance. World Futures 67 (1):58-78.
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  4. Miriam Bankovsky (2010). Carolyn D'Cruz, Identity Politics in Deconstruction: Calculating with the Incalculable (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), ISBN13: 9780754662082 (Hbk) ISBN 075466208X (Hbk), 127pp. Critical Horizons 11 (1):149-155.
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  5. Linda A. Bell (1998). Identity Politics?: A Response to Ian H. Birchall. Sartre Studies International 4 (2):79-84.
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  6. Susan Bickford (1997). Anti-Anti-Identity Politics: Feminism, Democracy, and the Complexities of Citizenship. Hypatia 12 (4):111 - 131.
    In this essay, I argue that recent leftist criticisms of "identity politics" do not address problems of inequality and interaction that are central in thinking about contemporary democratic politics. I turn instead to a set of feminist thinkers who share these critics' vision of politics, but who critically mobilize identity in a way that provides a conception of democratic citizenship for our inegalitarian and diverse polity.
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  7. Ian H. Birchall (1998). Socialism or Identity Politics?: A Reply to Linda A. Bell. Sartre Studies International 4 (2):69-78.
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  8. Hank Bromley (1989). Identity Politics and Critical Pedagogy. Educational Theory 39 (3):207-223.
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  9. Diane L. Fowlkes (1997). Moving From Feminist Identity Politics to Coalition Politics Through a Feminist Materialist Standpoint of Intersubjectivity in Gloria Anzaldúa's Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza. Hypatia 12 (2):105 - 124.
    Identity politics deployed by lesbian feminists of color challenges the philosophy of the subject and white feminisms based on sisterhood, and in so doing opens a space where feminist coalition building is possible. I articulate connections between Gloria Anzaldúa's epistemological-political action tools of complex identity narration and mestiza form of intersubject, Nancy Hartsock's feminist materialist standpoint, and Seyla Benhabib's standpoint of intersubjectivity in relation to using feminist identity politics for feminist coalition politics.
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  10. Cressida Heyes, Identity Politics. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
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  11. Paul Honneres (1998). Defending Identity Politics and Community-Based Activism in the Time of aIDS a Critique of Alexander Garcia Düttmann's Deconstruction of Identity Politics. Alexander Garcia Düttmann, at Odds with aIDS: Thinking and Talking About A Virus. Human Studies 21 (2):207-220.
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  12. Erin Kelly (2001). Justice and Communitarian Identity Politics. Journal of Value Inquiry 35 (1):71-93.
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  13. Suzy Killmister (forthcoming). Why Group Membership Matters; A Critical Typology. Ethnicities.
    The question of why group-differentiated rights might be a requirement of justice has been a central focus of identity politics in recent decades. I attempt to bring some clarity to this discussion by proposing a typology to track the various ways in which individuals can be harmed or benefited as a consequence of their membership in social groups. It is the well-being of individuals that group-differentiated rights should be understood as protecting, and so clarity on the relationship between group membership (...)
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  14. Anthony Simon Laden (2005). David Ingram, Rights, Democracy, and Fulfillment in the Area of Identity Politics: Principled Compromises in a Compromised World:Rights, Democracy, and Fulfillment in the Area of Identity Politics: Principled Compromises in a Compromised World. Ethics 116 (1):235-238.
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  15. Moya Lloyd (2005). Beyond Identity Politics: Feminism, Power & Politics. Sage.
    Recent debates in contemporary feminist theory have been dominated by the relation between identity and politics. Beyond Identity Politics examines the implications of recent theorizing on difference, identity and subjectivity for theories of patriarchy and feminist politics. Organised around the three central themes of subjectivity, power and politics, this book focuses on a question which feminists struggled with and were divided by throughout the last decade, that is: how to theorize the relation between the subject and politics. In this thoughtful (...)
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  16. Lois McNay (2010). Feminism and Post-Identity Politics: The Problem of Agency. Constellations 17 (4):512-525.
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  17. Amy Mullin (2007). Book Review: Private Selves, Public Identities: Reconsidering Identity Politics by Susan J. Hekman. Hypatia 22 (2):204-207.
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  18. Narendar Pani (2011). Gandhi's Concept of Action and Identity Politics. Asian Philosophy 20 (2):175-194.
    The paradox of Gandhi being treated as an ivory-tower idealist despite being one of the most successful political leaders of the twentieth century, can be traced to his using a method to understand social processes that is fundamentally different from the dominant tendency to reduce reality to an underlying system. The fact that his method did not fit into the ideological systems that dominated the twentieth century contributed to it being ignored. This paper seeks to revisit the Gandhian method by (...)
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  19. Anna Marie Smith (2010). Identity Before Identity Politics by Linda Nicholson. Constellations 17 (2):369-372.
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  20. Carsten Strathausen (2009). A Leftist Ontology: Beyond Relativism and Identity Politics. University of Minnesota Press.
    Rich with analyses of concepts from deconstruction, systems theory, and post-Marxism, with critiques of fundamentalist thought and the war on terror, this ...
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  21. P. Tittle (1996). Identity Politics as a Transposition of Fraser's Needs Politics. International Journal of Applied Philosophy 11 (1):23-28.
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  22. Shelley Tremain (2005). Foucault and the Government of Disability. University of Michigan Press.
    The provocative essays in this volume respond to Foucault's call to question what is regarded as natural, inevitable, ethical, and liberating, while they ...
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  23. Donald Vandenberg (2001). Identity Politics, Existentialism and Harry Broudy's Educational Theory. Educational Philosophy and Theory 33 (3-4):365-380.
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  24. Ralph Wedgwood (2003). Review of Jacobs and Potter, Hate Crimes: Criminal Law and Identity Politics. Journal of Homosexuality 45 (1):152-159.
    This is a review of Hate Crimes: Criminal Law and Identity Politics, by James B. Jacobs and Kimberly Potter; it is argued that the arguments of that book completely fail to establish the book's principal conclusions.
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  25. Allison Weir (2008). Global Feminism and Transformative Identity Politics. Hypatia 23 (4):pp. 110-133.
    In this paper, Weir reconsiders identity politics and their relation to feminist solidarity. She argues that the dimension of identity as “identification-with” has been the liberatory dimension of identity politics, and that this dimension has been overshadowed and displaced by a focus on identity as category. Weir addresses critiques of identification as a ground of solidarity, and sketches a model of identity and identity politics based not in sameness, but in transformative historical process.
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  26. David Gordon White (2006). Digging Wells While Houses Burn? Writing Histories of Hinduism in a Time of Identity Politics. History and Theory 45 (4):104–131.
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  27. Alan Wolfe & Jytte Klausen (1997). Identity Politics and the Welfare State. Social Philosophy and Policy 14 (02):231-.
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Politics of Recognition
  1. Maeve Cooke (1997). Authenticity and Autonomy: Taylor, Habermas, and the Politics of Recognition. Political Theory 25 (2):258-288.
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  2. Rosemary J. Coombe (1993). Tactics of Appropriation and the Politics of Recognition in Late Modern Democracies. Political Theory 21 (3):411-433.
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  3. Matt Ferkany (2009). Recognition, Attachment, and the Social Bases of Self-Worth. Southern Journal of Philosophy 47 (3):263-283.
    Recognition theorists have claimed that a culturally egalitarian societal environment is a crucial social basis of a sense of self-worth. In doing so they have often drawn on noncogntivist social-psychological theorizing. This paper argues that this theorizing does not support the recognition theorist's position. It is argued that attachment theory, together with recent empirical evidence, support a more limited vision of self-worth's social bases according to which associational ties, basic rights and liberties, and economic and educational opportunity are what really (...)
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  4. Volker Heins (2009). The Place of Property in the Politics of Recognition. Constellations 16 (4):579-592.
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  5. Axel Honneth (2001). Recognition: Invisibility: On the Epistemology of 'Recognition': Axel Honneth. Aristotelian Society Supplementary Volume 75 (1):111–126.
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  6. Levent Köker (1996). Political Toleration or Politics of Recognition: The Headscarves Affair Revisited. Political Theory 24 (2):315-320.
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  7. Arto Laitinen (2002). Interpersonal Recognition: A Response to Value or a Precondition of Personhood? Inquiry 45 (4):463 – 478.
    This article suggests first that the concept of interpersonal recognition be understood in a multidimensional (as opposed to one-dimensional), practical (as opposed to symbolic), and strict (as opposed to broad) way. Second, it is argued that due recognition be seen as a reason-governed response to evaluative features, rather than all normativity and reasons being seen as generated by recognition. This can be called a response-model, or, more precisely, a value-based model of due recognition. A further suggestion is that there is (...)
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  8. Bruce M. Landesman (1994). Book Review:Multiculturalism and "The Politics of Recognition." Charles Taylor, Amy Gutmann. Ethics 104 (2):384-.
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  9. Monica Mookherjee (2005). Affective Citizenship: Feminism, Postcolonialism and the Politics of Recognition. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 8 (1):31-50.
    A serious problem confronting discourses on recognition is that of showing equal respect for citizens? diverse cultural identities whilst at the same time attending to feminist concerns. This article focuses on the complex issues emerging from the recent legislation prohibiting the Muslim veil in French state schools. I respond to these problems by defending two conditions of a postcolonial and feminist approach to the politics of recognition. This approach should be, first, transformative, in the sense of widening its conception of (...)
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  10. Alejandro Anaya Muñoz (2005). Democratic Equality and Indigenous Electoral Institutions in Oaxaca, Mexico: Addressing the Perils of a Politics of Recognition. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 8 (3):327-347.
    Abstract In 1995, the constitution of the Mexican state of Oaxaca was reformed to recognise indigenous usages and customs for the election of municipal governments. This recognition is problematic from a normative perspective, as women, new?comers and dwellers in municipal sub?units are disenfranchised in a good number of indigenous municipalities of the state. Nevertheless, this article argues against a summary assessment of the (presumably illiberal) consequences of this recognition policy. Following James Tully, it advocates an intercultural, dialogical and inclusive procedure (...)
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  11. Linda Nicholson (1996). Identity and the Politics of Recognition. Constellations 3 (1):1-16.
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  12. Italo Testa (2011). Social Space and the Ontology of Recognition. In Heikki Ikäheimo Arto Laitinen (ed.), Recognition and Social Ontology. Brill Books (pp. 287-308).
    In this paper recognition is taken to be a question of social ontology, regarding the very constitution of the social space of interaction. I concentrate on the question of whether certain aspects of the theory of recognition can be translated into the terms of a socio-ontological paradigm: to do so, I make reference to some conceptual tools derived from John Searle's social ontology and Robert Brandom's normative pragmatics. My strategy consists in showing that recognitive phenomena cannot be isolated at the (...)
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  13. Italo Testa (2009). Criticism and Normativity. Brandom and Habermas Between Kant and Hegel. In D. Canale G. Tuzet (ed.), The Rules of Inference. Inferentialism in Law and Philosophy, Egea, Milano. Egea (pp. pp. 29-44).
    In this paper, making reference to Robert Brandom's philosophical proposal - and against the background of Brandom's debate with Jürgen Habermas - I shall endeavor, first, to define the relation between recognition and normativity and then between recognition and criticism; in the final part of the paper I shall suggest a perspective that approaches recognition in terms of capacities. On this basis I attempt to see the critical attitude as something that is founded more on individual potentials than on formal (...)
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  14. Italo Testa (2009). Recognition, Skepticism and Self-Consciousness in the Young Hegel. Fenomenologia E Società 32 (2):117-132.
    The theory of recognition arises within Hegel's confrontation with epistemological skepticism and aims at responding to the questions raised by modern skepticism concerning the accessibility of the external world, of other minds, and of one's own mind. This is possible to the extent that the theory of recognition is the guiding thread of a critique of the modern foundational theory of knowledge and, at the same time, the point of departure for an alternative approach. In this article I will dwell (...)
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  15. Shelley Tremain (1997). Book Review: The Rejected Body: Feminist Philosophical Reflections on Disability by Susan Wendell. New York: Routledge, 1996. Hypatia 12 (2):219-223.
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  16. Somogy Varga (2010). Critical Theory and the Two-Level Account of Recognition -Towards a New Foundation? Critical Horizons 11 (1):19-33.
    Axel Honneth makes initial and promising steps towards what could be called a two-level account of recognition, according to which the normatively substantial forms of recognition represent various manners in which the primordial acquaintedness with others is expressed. It will be argued that Honneth's promising approach must be revised in regard to the issue of intentionality, which may be achieved by reference to earlier critical theorists such as Adorno and Arendt. With such a foundation, critical theory can enter into new (...)
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Minorities, Misc
  1. Kristin Waters (2000). Women and Men Political Theorists: Enlightened Conversations. Blackwell Publishers.
    This much-anticipated work is a rich and insightful collection of essays that restores women and minorities to the arena of political theory and debate.
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