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  1. Paul Benson (2009). Analyzing Oppression. By ANN E. CUDD. Hypatia 24 (1):178-181.
  2. Cheshire Calhoun (1998). Impossible Dreams. Philosophical Review 107 (1):125-128.
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  3. Claudia Card (1986). Review: Oppression and Resistance: Frye's Politics of Reality. [REVIEW] Hypatia 1 (1):149 - 166.
    Marilyn Frye's first book, The Politics of Reality: Essays in Feminist Theory, presents nine philosophical lectures: four on women's subordination, four on resistance and rebellion, one on revolution. Its approach combines a lesbian perspective with analytical philosophy of language. The major contributions of the book are its analysis of oppression, highly suggestive discussions of the roles of attention in knowledge and ignorance and in arrogance and love, a defense of political separatism not based on female supremacism, and a development of (...)
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  4. David W. Concepción (2009). Overcoming Oppressive Self-Blame: Gray Agency in Underground Railroads. Hypatia 24 (1):81 - 99.
    After describing some key features of life in an underground railroad and the nature of gray agency, Concepción illustrates how survivors of relationship slavery can stop levying misplaced blame on themselves without giving up the valuable practice of blaming. Concepción concludes that by choosing a relatively non-oppressive account of self-blame, some amount of internalized oppression can be overcome and the double bind of agency-denial and self-loathing associated with being an oppressively grafted agent can be reduced.
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  5. J. Angelo Corlett & Marisa Diaz-Waian (2013). Liberating Liberation Theologies. Philosophy and Theology 25 (1):3-32.
    Some recently articulated American Christian liberation theolo­gies maintain that they seek justice for the oppressed. But such “justice” fails to encompass the respecting of certain rights of the oppressed to compensation from their oppressors. The right of the oppressed to holistic (including compensatory) reparations from their oppressors is explored in terms of why liberation theologies ought to, among other things, respect and embrace such a right. For economic issues, both distributive and compensatory, are inseparable from oppression-based poverty and hence inseparable (...)
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  6. Ann E. Cudd (1994). Oppression by Choice. Journal of Social Philosophy 25 (s1):22-44.
  7. Claire Grant (2013). Freedom and Oppression. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 12 (4):413-425.
    Oppression is commonly deemed a problem of freedom. How though should we conceptualise the freedom-restricting nature of oppression? This paper aims to show that the unfreedom in oppression may be understood in terms of individual negative liberty. The controversial concept of collective unfreedom is not needed. Non-cooperation among the oppressed generates constraints on individual freedom. This non-cooperation is ultimately attributable to the exercise of social power by oppressors. It is in this sense that the resultant states of individual unfreedom are (...)
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  8. Jean Harvey (2010). Victims, Resistance, and Civilized Oppression. Journal of Social Philosophy 41 (1):13-27.
  9. Marie-Christine Jutras (2010). 'How to Build a Godless Corner:' Oppression, Propaganda, Resistance and the Soviet Secularization Experiment. Constellations 1 (2).
    The Soviet government utilized a variety of tactics while attempting to secularize the U.S.S.R. Oppression of the Russian Orthodox Church demonstrates how interconnected faith and the former tsarist regime were. It is ironic that while trying to wipe out religion, the Bolsheviks replacement methods carried religious-type qualities as well.
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  10. Noureddine Lamouchi (2005). Jean-Paul Sartre, Philosophe de L'Oppression. Bruylant-Academia.
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  11. Charles W. Mills (2002). Defending the Radical Enlightenment. Social Philosophy Today 18:9-29.
    In this paper, I differentiate “two Enlightenments,” the mainstream Enlightenment and what I call the “radical Enlightenment,” that is, Enlightenment theory (rationalism, humanism, objectivism) informed by the fact of social oppression. Marxism can be seen as the pioneering example of radical Enlightenment theory, but it is, of course, relatively insensitive to gender and race issues, so we also need to include Enlightenment versions of feminism and critical race theory. I defend the radical Enlightenment against (on one front) the mainstream Enlightenment (...)
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  12. Amy Mullin (2000). Art, Understanding, and Political Change. Hypatia 15 (3):113-139.
    : Feminist artworks can be a resource in our attempt to understand individual identities as neither singular nor fixed, and in our related attempts both to theorize and to practice forms of connection to others that do not depend on shared identities. Engagement with these works has the potential to increase our critical social consciousness, making us more aware of oppression and privilege, and more committed to overcoming oppression.
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  13. Geoffrey Ostergaard (1981). Book Review:Violence and Oppression. James Dick; Gandhi as a Political Strategist. Gene Sharp. [REVIEW] Ethics 92 (1):140-.
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  14. Lisa H. Schwartzman (2009). Non-Ideal Theorizing, Social Groups, and Knowledge of Oppression: A Response. Hypatia 24 (4):177 - 188.
    In responding to Anderson, Tobin, and Mills, I focus on questions about non-ideal theory, normative individualism, and standpoint theory. In particular, I ask whether feminist theorizing can be "liberal" and yet not embody the problematic forms of abstraction and individualism described in "Challenging Liberalism". Ultimately, I call for methods of theorizing that illuminate and challenge oppressive social hierarchies.
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  15. Daniel Silvermint (2013). Resistance and Well-Being†. Journal of Political Philosophy 21 (4):405-425.
  16. Shannon Sullivan (1997). Domination and Dialogue in Merleau‐Ponty's Phenomenology of Perception. Hypatia 12 (1):1-19.
    Merleau-Ponty's claim in Phenomenology of Perception (1962) that the anonymous body guarantees an intersubjective world is problematic because it omits the particularities of bodies. This omission produces an account of "dialogue" with another in which I solipsistically hear only myself and dominate others with my intentionality. This essay develops an alternative to projective intentionality called "hypothetical construction," in which meaning is socially constructed through an appreciation of the differences of others.
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  17. Chris W. Surprenant (2010). Minority Oppression and Justified Revolution. Journal of Social Philosophy 41 (4):442-453.
    This paper operates from the assumption that revolution is a legitimate tool for members of oppressed minority groups to secure their rights. I argue that this type of robust right of revolution cannot be derived from Locke’s justification of revolution in the Second Treatise. For Locke, revolution is justified when the government uses its power in a manner contrary to the principles on which the state was established. Whether or not an action is contrary to these principles is determined by (...)
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  18. Kottapalli Vilsan (1983). Political Philosophy of the Oppressed Indians: A Case for Third Alternative. Booklinks Corp..
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  19. Shay Welch (2013). Transparent Trust and Oppression. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 16 (1):45-64.
    I construct an analysis of social trust that attends distinctively to cooperation in social relations that has the capability to (begin to) counter the default social distrust obtained due to oppressive conditions via a form of collective reasoning. For social trust to overcome oppression it must be a normatively transparent form of trust. Transparent trust can counter the effects of oppression on social interaction and foster social cooperation by correcting unequal positions of social vulnerability and improving disparities in credibility resultant (...)
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  20. Jason Wyckoff (2014). Linking Sexism and Speciesism. Hypatia 29 (3).
    Some feminists and animal advocates defend what I call the Linked Oppressions Thesis, according to which the oppression of women and the oppression of animals are linked causally, materially, normatively, and/or conceptually. Alasdair Cochrane offers objections to several versions of the Linked Oppressions Thesis and concludes that the Thesis should be rejected in all its forms. In this paper I defend the Thesis against Cochrane's objections as well as objections leveled by Beth Dixon, and argue that the failure of these (...)
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  21. Alex Zieba (1996). The Rhetoric of Oppression. Journal of Social Philosophy 27 (1):140-155.
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Coercion
  1. Arash Abizadeh (2010). Democratic Legitimacy and State Coercion: A Reply to David Miller. Political Theory 38 (1):121-130.
  2. Arash Abizadeh (2008). Border Coercion and Democratic Legitimacy: Freedom of Association, Territorial Dominion, and Self-Defence. Political Theory 35 (1):37-65.
  3. Lawrence A. Alexander (1983). Zimmerman on Coercive Wage Offers. Philosophy and Public Affairs 12 (2):160-164.
  4. Scott Anderson, Coercion. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
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  5. Corey Brettschneider (2010). When the State Speaks, What Should It Say? The Dilemmas of Freedom of Expression and Democratic Persuasion. Perspectives on Politics 8 (4):1005-1019.
    Hate groups are often thought to reveal a paradox in liberal thinking. On the one hand, such groups challenge the very foundations of liberal thought, including core values of equality and freedom. On the other hand, these same values underlie the rights such as freedom of expression and association that protect hate groups. Thus a liberal democratic state that extends those protections to such groups in the name of value neutrality and freedom of expression may be thought to be undermining (...)
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  6. Daniel Brudney (2005). On Noncoercive Establishment. Political Theory 33 (6):812 - 839.
    In this essay, I raise the question of whether some degree of noncoercive state support for religious conceptions (broadly understood) should be left to the majoritarian branch ofgovernment. I argue that the reason not to do so is that such state support would alienate many citizens. However to take this as a sufficient reason to constrain the majoritarian branch is to accept the thesis that not being alienated from one's polity is a significant part of the human good. Those who (...)
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  7. Michael Clark (2000). Review of Torborn Tännjö, Coercive Care. [REVIEW] Journal of Applied Philosophy 17.
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  8. Elizabeth Cripps (2011). Climate Change, Collective Harm and Legitimate Coercion. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 14 (2):171-193.
    Liberalism faces a tension between its commitment to minimal interference with individual liberty and the urgent need for strong collective action on global climate change. This paper attempts to resolve that tension. It does so on the one hand by defending an expanded model of collective moral responsibility, according to which a set of individuals can be responsible, qua ?putative group?, for harm resulting from the predictable aggregation of their individual acts. On the other, it defends a collectivized version of (...)
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  9. Carolin Emcke (2000). Between Choice and Coercion: Identities, Injuries, and Different Forms of Recognition. Constellations 7 (4):483-495.
  10. M. Evans (2013). The Meaning of Agency. In Sumi Madhok, Anne Phillips & Kalpana Wilson (eds.), Gender, Agency, and Coercion. Palgrave Macmillan.
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  11. R. Gill & N. Donaghue (2013). As If Postfeminism Had Come True: The Turn to Agency in Cultural Studies of 'Sexualisation'. In Sumi Madhok, Anne Phillips & Kalpana Wilson (eds.), Gender, Agency, and Coercion. Palgrave Macmillan.
  12. E. A. Goerner & Walter J. Thompson (1996). Politics and Coercion. Political Theory 24 (4):620-652.
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  13. Kalle Grill (2007). The Legalization of Drugs. [REVIEW] Theoria 73 (4):248-255.
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  14. Vinit Haksar (1976). Coercive Proposals [Rawls and Gandhi]. Political Theory 4 (1):65-79.
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  15. M. Henry (2013). Sexual Exploitation and Abuse in UN Peacekeeping Missions: Problematising Current Responses. In Sumi Madhok, Anne Phillips & Kalpana Wilson (eds.), Gender, Agency, and Coercion. Palgrave Macmillan.
  16. Robert Higgs (1995). Coercion is Not a Societal Constant: Reply to Samuels. Critical Review 9 (3):431-436.
    Warren Samuels maintains that every society has a constant amount of coercion and order, which vary only in terms of who gains and who loses, because every society has a government that establishes property rights. In making these arguments, Samuels exaggerates the extent to which governmental decisions predetermine the workings of a market society, and he fails to recognize that, with regard to the attainment of specific socioeconomic outcomes, governmental stipulation of private property rights differs fundamentally from governmental (...)
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  17. Richard Holton (2007). Freedom, Coercion and Discursive Control. In Michael Smith, Robert Goodin & Geoffrey Geoffrey (eds.), Common Minds. Oxford. 104.
    If moral and political philosophy is to be of any use, it had better be concerned with real people. The focus need not be exclusively on people as they are; but it should surely not extend beyond how they would be under laws as they might be. It is one of the strengths of Philip Pettit’s work that it is concerned with real people and the ways that they think: with the commonplace mind. In this paper I examine Pettit’s recent (...)
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  18. Michael Huemer, On the Need for Social Coercion.
    The problem I am concerned with is very general: Why do we need a coercive institution in our society to control our behavior? This question is a little different from "Why do we need a government?" in two ways: First, because "coercive institution" is a broader term than "government"; probably not every coercive institution that controlled people's behavior would be called a government, though every government is a coercive institution (that is, an institution exercising coercion as one of its main (...)
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  19. Dan Lyons (1986). Coercion as Temptation. Journal of Social Philosophy 17 (3):35-41.
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  20. Peter Margulies (2006). Commentary: The Military Commissions Act, Coerced Confessions, and the Role of the Courts. Criminal Justice Ethics 25 (2):2-56.
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  21. Thaddeus Metz (2010). Human Dignity, Capital Punishment, and an African Moral Theory: Toward a New Philosophy of Human Rights. Journal of Human Rights 9 (1):81-99.
    In this article I spell out a conception of dignity grounded in African moral thinking that provides a plausible philosophical foundation for human rights, focusing on the particular human right not to be executed by the state. I first demonstrate that the South African Constitutional Court’s sub-Saharan explanations of why the death penalty is degrading all counterintuitively entail that using deadly force against aggressors is degrading as well. Then, I draw on one major strand of Afro-communitarian thought to develop a (...)
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  22. David Miller (2010). Why Immigration Controls Are Not Coercive: A Reply to Arash Abizadeh. Political Theory 38 (1):111 - 120.
    Abizadeh has argued that because border controls coerce would-be immigrants and invade their autonomy, they are entitled to participate in the democratic institutions that impose those controls. In reply, the author distinguishes between coercion and prevention, shows that prevention need not undermine autonomy, and concludes that although border controls may restrict freedom, they do not give rise to democratic entitlements.
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  23. Fabienne Peter (2004). Choice, Consent, and the Legitimacy of Market Transactions. Economics and Philosophy 20 (1):1-18.
    According to an often repeated definition, economics is the science of individual choices and their consequences. The emphasis on choice is often used – implicitly or explicitly – to mark a contrast between markets and the state: While the price mechanism in well-functioning markets preserves freedom of choice and still efficiently coordinates individual actions, the state has to rely to some degree on coercion to coordinate individual actions. Since coercion should not be used arbitrarily, coordination by the state needs to (...)
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  24. Arthur Ripstein (2004). Authority and Coercion. Philosophy and Public Affairs 32 (1):2–35.
    I am grateful to Donald Ainslie, Lisa Austin, Michael Blake, Abraham Drassinower, David Dyzenhaus, George Fletcher, Robert Gibbs, Louis-Philippe Hodgson, Sari Kisilevsky, Dennis Klimchuk, Christopher Morris, Scott Shapiro, Horacio Spector, Sergio Tenenbaum, Malcolm Thorburn, Ernest Weinrib, Karen Weisman, and the Editors of Philosophy & Public Affairs for comments, and audiences in the UCLA Philosophy Department and Columbia Law School for their questions.
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  25. Andrea Sangiovanni (2012). The Irrelevance of Coercion, Imposition, and Framing to Distributive Justice. Philosophy and Public Affairs 40 (2):79-110.
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  26. James R. Shaw (2012). The Morality of Blackmail. Philosophy and Public Affairs 40 (3):165-196.
    Blackmail raises a pair of parallel legal and moral problems, sometimes referred to as the "paradox of blackmail". It is sometimes legal and morally permissible to ask someone for money, or to threaten to release harmful information about them, while it is illegal and morally impermissible to do these actions jointly. I address the moral version of this paradox by bringing instances of blackmail under a general account of wrongful coercion. According to this account, and contrary to the appearances which (...)
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  27. M. Sleat (2013). Coercing Non-Liberal Persons: Considerations on a More Realistic Liberalism. European Journal of Political Theory 12 (4):347-367.
    The central contention of this article is that contemporary liberal theory is without an account of what legitimates coercing those who reject liberalism that is consistent with its own stipulations of the conditions of political legitimacy. After exploring the nature of the liberal principle of legitimacy, and in particular how it is intended to function as a way of protecting individuals from domination and oppression by reconciling freedom and public law, the article considers four different possible accounts of what might (...)
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  28. Michael Smith, Robert Goodin & Geoffrey Geoffrey (eds.) (2007). Common Minds. Oxford.
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  29. Titus Stahl (2011). Institutional Power, Collective Acceptance, and Recognition. In Heikki Ikäheimo & Arto Laitinen (eds.), Recognition and Social Ontology. Brill. 349--372.
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