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  1. Paul Benson (2009). Analyzing Oppression. By ANN E. CUDD. Hypatia 24 (1):178-181.
  2. Cheshire Calhoun (1998). Impossible Dreams. Philosophical Review 107 (1):125-128.
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  3. Claudia Card (1986). Review: Oppression and Resistance: Frye's Politics of Reality. [REVIEW] Hypatia 1 (1):149 - 166.
    Marilyn Frye's first book, The Politics of Reality: Essays in Feminist Theory, presents nine philosophical lectures: four on women's subordination, four on resistance and rebellion, one on revolution. Its approach combines a lesbian perspective with analytical philosophy of language. The major contributions of the book are its analysis of oppression, highly suggestive discussions of the roles of attention in knowledge and ignorance and in arrogance and love, a defense of political separatism not based on female supremacism, and a development of (...)
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  4. Javier Muguerza Carpintier (2000). La lucha por los derechos: un ensayo de relectura libertaria de un viejo texto liberal. Revista Internacional de Filosofía Política 15:43-59.
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  5. David W. Concepción (2009). Overcoming Oppressive Self-Blame: Gray Agency in Underground Railroads. Hypatia 24 (1):81 - 99.
    After describing some key features of life in an underground railroad and the nature of gray agency, Concepción illustrates how survivors of relationship slavery can stop levying misplaced blame on themselves without giving up the valuable practice of blaming. Concepción concludes that by choosing a relatively non-oppressive account of self-blame, some amount of internalized oppression can be overcome and the double bind of agency-denial and self-loathing associated with being an oppressively grafted agent can be reduced.
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  6. J. Angelo Corlett & Marisa Diaz-Waian (2013). Liberating Liberation Theologies. Philosophy and Theology 25 (1):3-32.
    Some recently articulated American Christian liberation theolo­gies maintain that they seek justice for the oppressed. But such “justice” fails to encompass the respecting of certain rights of the oppressed to compensation from their oppressors. The right of the oppressed to holistic (including compensatory) reparations from their oppressors is explored in terms of why liberation theologies ought to, among other things, respect and embrace such a right. For economic issues, both distributive and compensatory, are inseparable from oppression-based poverty and hence inseparable (...)
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  7. Lawrence Crocker (1978). Coercion and the Wage Agreement. Pacific Philosophical Quarterly 59 (1):78.
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  8. Ann E. Cudd (1994). Oppression by Choice. Journal of Social Philosophy 25 (s1):22-44.
    Property in money, means of subsistence, machines, and other means of production, does not as yet stamp a man as a capitalist if there be wanting the correlative — the wage-worker, the other man who is compelled to sell himself of his own free-will.
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  9. O. de Selincourt (1928). WHITTAKER, T. -The Liberal State. [REVIEW] Mind 37:515.
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  10. J. Douard (1993). Bioethics and the Liberal State: Just Doctoring: Medical Ethics in the Liberal State, by Troyen A. Brennan. Journal of Clinical Ethics 4 (1):92.
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  11. Anthony Flood (2003). Contracts, Coercion, and Condo Boards: A Reply to Stuart Burns. Philosophy Pathways 61.
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  12. Claire Grant (2013). Freedom and Oppression. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 12 (4):413-425.
    Oppression is commonly deemed a problem of freedom. How though should we conceptualise the freedom-restricting nature of oppression? This paper aims to show that the unfreedom in oppression may be understood in terms of individual negative liberty. The controversial concept of collective unfreedom is not needed. Non-cooperation among the oppressed generates constraints on individual freedom. This non-cooperation is ultimately attributable to the exercise of social power by oppressors. It is in this sense that the resultant states of individual unfreedom are (...)
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  13. Jean Harvey (2010). Victims, Resistance, and Civilized Oppression. Journal of Social Philosophy 41 (1):13-27.
  14. K. Hlavaty (1984). Economic Contradiction and the Function of Management Workers. Filosoficky Casopis 32 (4):468-482.
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  15. Marek N. Jakubowski (2014). Hegel’s Non-Liberal Liberalism. Hegel-Jahrbuch 2014 (1).
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  16. Marie-Christine Jutras (2010). 'How to Build a Godless Corner:' Oppression, Propaganda, Resistance and the Soviet Secularization Experiment. Constellations 1 (2).
    The Soviet government utilized a variety of tactics while attempting to secularize the U.S.S.R. Oppression of the Russian Orthodox Church demonstrates how interconnected faith and the former tsarist regime were. It is ironic that while trying to wipe out religion, the Bolsheviks replacement methods carried religious-type qualities as well.
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  17. Pedro Karczmarczyk & Norma Rodríguez (2011). Crítica, Ideología y Aufklärung Según Michel Foucault. Cadernos de Pesquisa Interdisciplinar En Ciências Humanas (100):3-20.
    En el presente trabajo reflexionamos en torno a una serie de textos en los que Michel Foucault se pregunta por estatuto de la crítica. La cuestión nos parece volverse reflexivamente sobre el propio Foucualt y por ello intentaremos evaluar de qué manera, con sus propios recursos conceptuales, se puede determinar el estatuto de su propio discurso. Para ello recorreremos dos caminos: (i) su rechazo de la noción de ideología que lo pone en tensión con algunas de las tradiciones mayores del (...)
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  18. Isaac Katz (2009). ¿Qué Tan Liberal Es Usted?: ¿Es Tan Liberal Como Cree? Ediciones Coyoacán.
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  19. Matthew J. Kisner (2012). Spinoza's Liberalism. Philosophy Compass 7 (11):782-793.
    While Spinoza’s political philosophy is often described as liberal, it is not always clear what this label means or whether it is warranted. Calling Spinoza ‘liberal’ implies that he belongs to a historical tradition of political philosophers, who formulated and defended claims, which later became identified as central to political liberalism. Consequently, clarifying how Spinoza is a liberal requires specifying precisely which liberal views he articulated and defended. This paper, first, examines the various ways that commentators have interpreted Spinoza as (...)
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  20. Noureddine Lamouchi (2005). Jean-Paul Sartre, Philosophe de L'Oppression. Bruylant-Academia.
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  21. Joan McGregor (2005). "Undue Inducement' as Coercive Offers. American Journal of Bioethics 5 (5):24 – 25.
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  22. Charles W. Mills (2002). Defending the Radical Enlightenment. Social Philosophy Today 18:9-29.
    In this paper, I differentiate “two Enlightenments,” the mainstream Enlightenment and what I call the “radical Enlightenment,” that is, Enlightenment theory (rationalism, humanism, objectivism) informed by the fact of social oppression. Marxism can be seen as the pioneering example of radical Enlightenment theory, but it is, of course, relatively insensitive to gender and race issues, so we also need to include Enlightenment versions of feminism and critical race theory. I defend the radical Enlightenment against (on one front) the mainstream Enlightenment (...)
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  23. Amy Mullin (2000). Art, Understanding, and Political Change. Hypatia 15 (3):113-139.
    : Feminist artworks can be a resource in our attempt to understand individual identities as neither singular nor fixed, and in our related attempts both to theorize and to practice forms of connection to others that do not depend on shared identities. Engagement with these works has the potential to increase our critical social consciousness, making us more aware of oppression and privilege, and more committed to overcoming oppression.
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  24. John Murphy (2008). The Poverty of Liberalism: The First Old Age Pensions in Australia. Thesis Eleven 95 (1):33-47.
    The two reforms that most contributed to the idea of an antipodean social laboratory at the end of the 19th century were the old age pension and state arbitration of the minimum wage. Both are said to reflect the influence of the new liberalism, buttressed by the emergence of the labour movement into politics. This paper argues that debates on the old age pension at the turn of the 19th century illustrate a more tangled set of liberal trajectories than either (...)
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  25. Geoffrey Ostergaard (1981). Book Review:Violence and Oppression. James Dick; Gandhi as a Political Strategist. Gene Sharp. [REVIEW] Ethics 92 (1):140-.
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  26. Richard Seth Pressman (2000). Is There a Future for the Heath Anthology in the Neo-Liberal State? Symploke 8 (1):57-67.
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  27. Lisa H. Schwartzman (2009). Non-Ideal Theorizing, Social Groups, and Knowledge of Oppression: A Response. Hypatia 24 (4):177 - 188.
    In responding to Anderson, Tobin, and Mills, I focus on questions about non-ideal theory, normative individualism, and standpoint theory. In particular, I ask whether feminist theorizing can be "liberal" and yet not embody the problematic forms of abstraction and individualism described in "Challenging Liberalism". Ultimately, I call for methods of theorizing that illuminate and challenge oppressive social hierarchies.
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  28. Dorota Sepczyńska (2006). Ernesto Laclau – postmarksistowska koncepcja wspólnoty politycznej. In Dorota Sepczyńska & Mieczysław Jagłowski (eds.), Z myśli hiszpańskiej i iberoamerykańskiej. Filozofia-literatura-mistyka. Instytut Cervantesa, Instytut Filozofii UWM w Olsztynie, Katedra UNESCO UWM, Wydział Socjologii i Pedagogiki WSIiE TWP w Olsztynie. 279-291.
    Celem artykułu jest prezentacja filozofii polityki Ernesto Laclau, w szczególności ujęcia możliwości istnienia wspólnoty politycznej w warunkach trwałego, konfliktowego pluralizmu.
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  29. Daniel Silvermint (2013). Resistance and Well-Being†. Journal of Political Philosophy 21 (4):405-425.
  30. Shannon Sullivan (1997). Domination and Dialogue in Merleau‐Ponty's Phenomenology of Perception. Hypatia 12 (1):1-19.
    Merleau-Ponty's claim in Phenomenology of Perception (1962) that the anonymous body guarantees an intersubjective world is problematic because it omits the particularities of bodies. This omission produces an account of "dialogue" with another in which I solipsistically hear only myself and dominate others with my intentionality. This essay develops an alternative to projective intentionality called "hypothetical construction," in which meaning is socially constructed through an appreciation of the differences of others.
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  31. Chris W. Surprenant (2010). Minority Oppression and Justified Revolution. Journal of Social Philosophy 41 (4):442-453.
    This paper operates from the assumption that revolution is a legitimate tool for members of oppressed minority groups to secure their rights. I argue that this type of robust right of revolution cannot be derived from Locke’s justification of revolution in the Second Treatise. For Locke, revolution is justified when the government uses its power in a manner contrary to the principles on which the state was established. Whether or not an action is contrary to these principles is determined by (...)
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  32. Ilieş Veronica, Rus Flaviu Călin & Boie Corina (2012). Reactions of the Romanian Orthodox Church to the Proposed Legislation to Legalize Prostitution. Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies 32:206-226.
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  33. Kottapalli Vilsan (1983). Political Philosophy of the Oppressed Indians: A Case for Third Alternative. Booklinks Corp..
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  34. W. D. M. W. D. M. (1908). WHITTAKER, THOMAS.-The Liberal State: A Speculation. [REVIEW] Mind 17:122.
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  35. Shay Welch (2013). Transparent Trust and Oppression. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 16 (1):45-64.
    I construct an analysis of social trust that attends distinctively to cooperation in social relations that has the capability to (begin to) counter the default social distrust obtained due to oppressive conditions via a form of collective reasoning. For social trust to overcome oppression it must be a normatively transparent form of trust. Transparent trust can counter the effects of oppression on social interaction and foster social cooperation by correcting unequal positions of social vulnerability and improving disparities in credibility resultant (...)
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  36. Christopher Wolfe & John P. Hittinger (1994). Liberalism at the Crossroads: An Introduction to Contemporary Liberal Political Theory and its Critics. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
    Liberalism at the Crossroads provides a fair but lively introduction to key thinkers and schools of thought in the contemporary debate regarding liberal political theory.
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  37. Jason Wyckoff (2014). Linking Sexism and Speciesism. Hypatia 29 (4):721-737.
    Some feminists and animal advocates defend what I call the Linked Oppressions Thesis, according to which the oppression of women and the oppression of animals are linked causally, materially, normatively, and/or conceptually. Alasdair Cochrane offers objections to several versions of the Linked Oppressions Thesis and concludes that the Thesis should be rejected in all its forms. In this paper I defend the Thesis against Cochrane's objections as well as objections leveled by Beth Dixon, and argue that the failure of these (...)
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  38. Alex Zieba (1996). The Rhetoric of Oppression. Journal of Social Philosophy 27 (1):140-155.
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Coercion
  1. Arash Abizadeh, Border Coercion and Democratic Legitimacy: Freedom of Association, Territorial Dominion, and Self-Defence.
  2. Arash Abizadeh (2010). Democratic Legitimacy and State Coercion: A Reply to David Miller. Political Theory 38 (1):121-130.
  3. Lawrence A. Alexander (1983). Zimmerman on Coercive Wage Offers. Philosophy and Public Affairs 12 (2):160-164.
  4. Scott Anderson, Coercion. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
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  5. Corey Brettschneider (2010). When the State Speaks, What Should It Say? The Dilemmas of Freedom of Expression and Democratic Persuasion. Perspectives on Politics 8 (4):1005-1019.
    Hate groups are often thought to reveal a paradox in liberal thinking. On the one hand, such groups challenge the very foundations of liberal thought, including core values of equality and freedom. On the other hand, these same values underlie the rights such as freedom of expression and association that protect hate groups. Thus a liberal democratic state that extends those protections to such groups in the name of value neutrality and freedom of expression may be thought to be undermining (...)
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  6. Daniel Brudney (2005). On Noncoercive Establishment. Political Theory 33 (6):812 - 839.
    In this essay, I raise the question of whether some degree of noncoercive state support for religious conceptions (broadly understood) should be left to the majoritarian branch ofgovernment. I argue that the reason not to do so is that such state support would alienate many citizens. However to take this as a sufficient reason to constrain the majoritarian branch is to accept the thesis that not being alienated from one's polity is a significant part of the human good. Those who (...)
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  7. Michael Clark (2000). Review of Torborn Tännjö, Coercive Care. [REVIEW] Journal of Applied Philosophy 17.
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  8. Elizabeth Cripps (2011). Climate Change, Collective Harm and Legitimate Coercion. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 14 (2):171-193.
    Liberalism faces a tension between its commitment to minimal interference with individual liberty and the urgent need for strong collective action on global climate change. This paper attempts to resolve that tension. It does so on the one hand by defending an expanded model of collective moral responsibility, according to which a set of individuals can be responsible, qua ?putative group?, for harm resulting from the predictable aggregation of their individual acts. On the other, it defends a collectivized version of (...)
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  9. Carolin Emcke (2000). Between Choice and Coercion: Identities, Injuries, and Different Forms of Recognition. Constellations 7 (4):483-495.
  10. M. Evans (2013). The Meaning of Agency. In Sumi Madhok, Anne Phillips & Kalpana Wilson (eds.), Gender, Agency, and Coercion. Palgrave Macmillan.
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  11. R. Gill & N. Donaghue (2013). As If Postfeminism Had Come True: The Turn to Agency in Cultural Studies of 'Sexualisation'. In Sumi Madhok, Anne Phillips & Kalpana Wilson (eds.), Gender, Agency, and Coercion. Palgrave Macmillan.
  12. E. A. Goerner & Walter J. Thompson (1996). Politics and Coercion. Political Theory 24 (4):620-652.
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