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  1. Brooke Ackerly (2004). Susan Moller Okin (1946-2004). Political Theory 32 (4):446-448.
  2. Robert Merrihew Adams (2009). Conflict. Aristotelian Society Supplementary Volume 83 (1):115-132.
    The following theses are defended. Conflict has importantly valuable functions, but we obviously need to limit its destructiveness. The efficacy of reasoning together in resolving or restraining conflict is limited; it needs to be supplemented by procedures such as negotiation, compromise, and voting. Despite the urgency of justice, when the resolution or limitation of a conflict needs to be negotiated, the best attainable outcome will often not seem completely just to all parties, and some claims of justice, as seen by (...)
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  3. Adeshina Afolayan (2008). Is Postmodernism Meaningful in Yoruba? Journal of Social Philosophy 39 (2):209–224.
  4. Theodore M. Benditt (1973). The Public Interest. Philosophy and Public Affairs 2 (3):291-311.
  5. Stephen R. L. Clark (2005). Deference, Degree and Selfhood. Philosophy 80 (2):249-260.
    The world we lost, and now barely understand, was one where everyone knew her place, and her attendant duties. Civilized groups were the likeliest to insist on a diversity of rôle and rule. Primitive societies are ones where there are rather fewer such distinctions. Slaves and merchants offered a way of being outside the orders, and from the older point of view, the life of slaves and merchants is exactly what the ‘liberal’ ideal entails. No one can count on her (...)
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  6. G. A. Cohen (2003). Facts and Principles. Philosophy and Public Affairs 31 (3):211–245.
  7. Claudio Corradetti (2013). Philosophical Issues in Transitional Justice Theory: A (Provisional) Balance. Politica E Societa' (2):185-220.
  8. Claudio Corradetti (2013). What Does Cultural Difference Require of Human Rights. In Cindy Holder & David Reidy (eds.), Human Rights. The Hard Questions, Cambridge University Press.
    Th e contemporary right to freedom of thought together with all its further declinations into freedom of speech, religion, conscience and expression, had one of its earliest historical recognitions at the end of the Wars of Religion with the Edict of Nantes (1598). In several respects one can saythat the right to freedom of thought is virtually “co-original” with the endof the Wars of Religion. Following this thought further, one might think that human rights defi ne the boundaries of our (...)
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  9. Adam Cureton (2012). Solidarity and Social Moral Rules. Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 15 (5):691-706.
    The value of solidarity, which is exemplified in noble groups like the Civil Rights Movement along with more mundane teams, families and marriages, is distinctive in part because people are in solidarity over, for or with regard to something, such as common sympathies, interests, values, etc. I use this special feature of solidarity to resolve a longstanding puzzle about enacted social moral rules, which is, aren’t these things just heuristics, rules of thumb or means of coordination that we ‘fetishize’ or (...)
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  10. Natalie Doyle (2006). The Sacred, Social Creativity and the State. Critical Horizons 7 (1):207-238.
    This paper explores the specific contribution of a strand of contemporary French social theory founded by Cornelius Castoriadis and Claude Lefort to the understanding of human power. It formulates a conception of power that transcends its definitions in terms of physical coercion or institutionalised violence to reveal the way power is creative and institutes the social. Its reflection on the cultural nature of political power and it role in society is shown to extend the pioneering reflection of Durkheim's sociology, especially (...)
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  11. Paul Edwards & Philip Pettit, Political Theory: An Overview.
    ‘By political thcory," ]0hn Plamcnatz wrote, "I d0 not mean explanations of how governments function; I mean systematic thinking about the purposes of govcrnmcnt."l Political theory is a normative disciplinc, designed t0 let us evaluate rather than explain; in this it resembles moral or ethical theory. What distinguishes it among normative disciplines is that it is designed to facilitate in particular the evaluation of government or, if that is something more general, the statc.2 We are to identify the purposes of (...)
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  12. Adam Etinson & Joshua Keton (2014). Introduction. Journal of Social Philosophy 45 (1):3-6.
  13. Haskell Fain (1978). Permissions, Promises, and Political Communities. Midwest Studies in Philosophy 3 (1):324-349.
  14. Sandra Field (2014). Hobbes and the Question of Power. Journal of the History of Philosophy 52 (1):61-85.
    The Question of Power is Central to the study of politics. Thomas Hobbes has been hailed as the author of the greatest political philosophy written in the English language,1 and indeed as the philosopher of power par excellence.2 Nonetheless, i argue that conceptualizing political power is a problem for Hobbes. He starts with a commonsense view that understands the power of individuals as their natural faculties, and that then envisages these powers being compounded together by covenant to form the power (...)
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  15. Clara Fischer (2012). Pragmatists, Deliberativists, and Democracy: The Quest for Inclusion. Journal of Speculative Philosophy 26 (3):497-515.
    Similarities between pragmatist models of democracy and deliberative models have been explored over recent years, most notably in this journal ( Talisse 2004). However, the work of Iris Marion Young has, thus far, not figured in such comparative analyses and historical weighing of pragmatist antecedents in deliberativist work. In what follows, I wish to redress this oversight by placing Young in conversation with John Dewey and Jane Addams. Young's particular brand of deliberative theorizing focuses on the inclusion of women and (...)
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  16. Thomas Fossen (2012). Taking Stances, Contesting Commitments: Political Legitimacy and the Pragmatic Turn. Journal of Political Philosophy 21 (1):426-450.
  17. Pablo Gilabert & Holly Lawford-Smith (2012). Political Feasibility. A Conceptual Exploration. Political Studies 60 (4):809-825.
  18. E. C. Horne (1938). Class Transmission of Political Power. Thought 13 (4):541-557.
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  19. Margaret Jenkins (2010). Political Liberalism and Toleration in Foreign Policy. Journal of Social Philosophy 41 (1):112-136.
  20. Robert Jubb & Enzo Rossi (forthcoming). Political Norms and Moral Values. Journal of Philosophical Research 2015.
    Is genuinely normative political theory necessarily informed by distinctively moral values? Eva Erman and Niklas Möller (2013) answer that question affirmatively, and highlight its centrality in the debate on the prospects of political realism, which explicitly eschews pre-political moral foundations. In this comment we defend the emerging realist current. After briefly presenting Erman and Möller's position, we (i) observe that freedom and equality are not obviously moral values in the way they assume, and (ii) argue that a non-moral distinction between (...)
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  21. Robert Jubb & Enzo Rossi (forthcoming). Why Moralists Should Be Afraid of Political Values: A Rejoinder. Journal of Philosophical Research 2015.
    In this rejoinder to Erman and Möller’s reply to our “Political Norms and Moral Values” we clarify the sense in which there can be specifically political values, and expound the practice-dependent notion of legitimacy adopted by our preferred version of political realism.
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  22. George Khushf (1994). Intolerant Tolerance. Journal of Medicine and Philosophy 19 (2):161-181.
    The Hyde Amendment and Roman Catholic attempts to put restrictions on Title X funding have been criticized for being intolerant. However, such criticism fails to appreciate that there are two competing notions of tolerance, one focusing on the limits of state force and accepting pluralism as unavoidable, and the other focusing on the limits of knowledge and advancing pluralism as a good. These two types of tolerance, illustrated in the writings of John Locke and J.S. Mill, each involve an intolerance. (...)
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  23. Dudley Knowles (2005). Political Concepts. Contemporary Political Theory 4 (1):87.
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  24. Marcus Llanque (2007). Max Weber on the Relation Between Power Politics and Political Ideals. Constellations 14 (4):483-497.
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  25. Saul Newman (2005). Power and Politics in Poststructuralist Thought: New Theories of the Political. Routledge.
    This book explores the impact of poststructuralism on contemporary political theory by focussing on a number of problems and issues central to politics today. Drawing on the theoretical concerns brought to light by the 'poststructuralist' thinkers Foucault, Derrida, Lacan, Deleuze and Max Stirner, Newman provides a critical examination of new developments in contemporary political theory: post-Marxism, discourse analysis, new theories of ideology and power, hegemony, radical democracy and psychoanalytic theory. He re-examines the political in light of these developments in theory (...)
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  26. Robert Nola (1998). Knowledge, Discourse, Power and Genealogy in Foucault. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 1 (2):109-154.
  27. Marcus Ohlström, Marco Solinas & Olivier Voirol (2010). Redistribuzione o riconoscimento? di Nancy Fraser e Axel Honneth. Iride 23 (2):443-460.
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  28. Felix E. Oppenheim (1973). Descriptive Terms of Political Discourse: A Rejoinder to Virginia Held. Political Theory 1 (1):76-78.
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  29. Jonathan Quong, Public Reason. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
  30. Melvin Richter (2005). A Family of Political Concepts Tyranny, Despotism, Bonapartism, Caesarism, Dictatorship, 1750-1917. European Journal of Political Theory 4 (3):221-248.
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  31. David T. Risser (2003). The Moral Problem of Nonvoting. Journal of Social Philosophy 34 (3):348–363.
    The meaning and moral implications of voting and nonvoting in a representative democracy are outlined and discussed. A conception of voting as a forward-looking, conditional shared responsibility is developed and defended. This conception reflects an understanding of democratic politics in which the supreme strategic advantage is power to affect "the conflict of conflicts", that is, the ability to influence the shape and content of the dominant political agenda. This conception is also shown to support a consequentialist approach to distributive justice (...)
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  32. Enzo Rossi (2010). Modus Vivendi, Consensus, and (Realist) Liberal Legitimacy. Public Reason 2 (2):21-39.
    A polity is grounded in a modus vivendi (MV) when its main features can be presented as the outcome of a virtually unrestricted bargaining process. Is MV compatible with the consensus-based account of liberal legitimacy, i.e. the view that political authority is well grounded only if the citizenry have in some sense freely consented to its exercise? I show that the attraction of MV for consensus theorists lies mainly in the thought that a MV can be presented as legitimated through (...)
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  33. Enzo Rossi (2010). Reality and Imagination in Political Theory and Practice: On Raymond Geuss’s Realism. [REVIEW] European Journal of Political Theory 9 (4):504-512.
    Can political theory be action-guiding without relying on pre-political normative commitments? I answer that question affirmatively by unpacking two related tenets of Raymond Geuss’ political realism: the view that political philosophy should not be a branch of ethics, and the ensuing empirically-informed conception of legitimacy. I argue that the former idea can be made sense of by reference to Hobbes’ account of authorization, and that realist legitimacy can be normatively salient in so far as it stands in the correct relation (...)
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  34. Marco Solinas (2010). Review of Bert van den Brink and David Owen (eds.), Recognition and Power. Axel Honneth and the Tradition of Critical Social Theory. [REVIEW] Iride (59):223-224.
  35. Marco Solinas (2010). Vite svuotate. Per una critica dell’impatto psicosociale del capitalismo contemporaneo. Costruzioni Psicoanalitiche (20):71-81.
    The paper aims to single out and clarify some causal connections between theconcomitant growth of depressive phenomena, not only in the strict clinicalsense, and the establishment of the new capitalist model, which has taken place in Western countries from the early seventies until today. As well as onthe mechanism of labour market flexibility, the essay dwells in particular onthe paradoxical dynamics of the ethical and moral ideals of the newideological configuration. Finally, the paper will also use the category of hegemony (...)
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  36. Marco Solinas (2009). Review of Hauke Brunkhorst, Habermas. [REVIEW] Iride (56):253-254.
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  37. Marco Solinas (2009). Review of Richard Sennett, The Culture of the New Capitalism. [REVIEW] Humana.Mente 10:151-153.
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  38. Maurizio Viroli (1992). The Revolution in the Concept of Politics. Political Theory 20 (3):473-495.
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  39. Fabian Wendt (2013). Peace Beyond Compromise. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 16 (4):573-593.
    Our societies are marked not only by disagreements on the good life, but also by disagreements on justice. This motivates philosophers as divergent as John Gray and Chandran Kukathas to focus their normative political theories on peace instead of justice. In this article, I discuss how peace should be conceived if peace is to be a more realistic goal than justice, not presupposing any moral consensus. I distinguish two conceptions of peace to be found in the literature. One, ordinary peace, (...)
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  40. David Wiens (forthcoming). Political Ideals and the Feasibility Frontier. Economics and Philosophy.
    Recent methodological debates regarding the place of feasibility considerations in normative political theory are hindered for want of a rigorous model of the feasibility frontier. To address this shortfall, I present an analysis of feasibility that generalizes the economic concept of a production possibility frontier and then develop a rigorous model of the feasibility frontier using the familiar possible worlds technology. I then show that this model has significant methodological implications for political philosophy. On the Target View, a political ideal (...)
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  41. Bill Wringe (2014). Collective Obligations: Their Existence, Their Explanatory Power, and Their Supervenience on the Obligations of Individuals. European Journal of Philosophy 21 (4).
    In this paper I discuss a number of different relationships between two kinds of (moral) obligation: those which have individuals as their subject, and those which have groups of individuals as their subject. I use the name collective obligations to refer to obligations of the second sort. I argue that there are collective obligations, in this sense; that such obligations can give rise to and explain obligations which fall on individuals; that because of these facts collective obligations are not simply (...)
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