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  1. Daniele Archibugi (2003). A Critical Analysis of the Self-Determination of Peoples: A Cosmopolitan Perspective. Constellations 10 (4):488-505.
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  2. Endre Begby (forthcoming). A Role for Coercive Force in the Theory of Global Justice? In Thom Brooks (ed.), New Waves in Gobal Justice. Palgrave-MacMillan.
  3. Endre Begby (2010). Rawlsian Compromises in Peacebuilding? Response to Agafonow. Public Reason 2 (2):51-60.
    This paper responds to recent criticism from Alejandro Agafonow. In section I, I argue that the dilemma that Agafonow points to – while real – is in no way unique to liberal peacebuilding. Rather, it arises with respect to any foreign involvement in post-conflict reconstruction. I argue further that Agafonow’s proposal for handling this dilemma suffers from several shortcomings: first, it provides no sense of the magnitude and severity of the “oppressive practices” that peacebuilders should be willing to institutionalize. Second, (...)
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  4. Endre Begby & J. Peter Burgess (2009). Human Security and Liberal Peace. Public Reason 1 (1):91-104.
    This paper addresses a recent wave of criticisms of liberal peacebuilding operations. We decompose the critics’ argument into two steps, one which offers a diagnosis of what goes wrong when things go wrong in peacebuilding operations, and a second, which argues on the basis of the first step that there is some deep principled flaw in the very idea of liberal peacebuilding. We show that the criticism launched in the argument’s first step is valid and important, but that the second (...)
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  5. Rosi Braidotti (2011). Nomadic Theory: The Portable Rosi Braidotti. Columbia University Press.
    Transposing differences -- Meta(l)morphoses: women, aliens, and machines -- Animals and other anomalies -- The cosmic buzz of insects -- Matter-realist feminism -- Intensive genre and the demise of gender -- Postsecular paradoxes -- Against methodological nationalism -- Nomadic European citizenship -- Powers of affirmation -- Sustainable ethics and the body in pain -- Forensic futures -- A secular prayer.
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  6. Gillian Brock (2009). Global Justice. Oxford University Press.
    OUP writes: Gillian Brock develops a viable cosmopolitan model of global justice that takes seriously the equal moral worth of persons, yet leaves scope for defensible forms of nationalism and for other legitimate identifications and affiliations people have. Brock addresses two prominent kinds of skeptic about global justice: those who doubt its feasibility and those who believe that cosmopolitanism interferes illegitimately with the defensible scope of nationalism by undermining goods of national importance, such as authentic democracy or national self-determination. The (...)
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  7. Thom Brooks (2011). Rethinking Remedial Responsibilities. Ethics and Global Politics 4 (3).
    How should we determine which nations have a responsibility to remedy suffering elsewhere? The problem is pressing because, following David Miller, ‘[it] is morally intolerable if (remediable) suffering and deprivation are allowed to continue . . . where they exist we are morally bound to hold somebody (some person or collective agent) responsible for relieving them’. Miller offers a connection theory of remedial responsibilities in response to this problem, a theory he has been developing over the last decade. This theory (...)
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  8. Craig Calhoun (2010). A Cosmopolitanism of Connections. In Hilary Ballon (ed.), The Cosmopolitan Idea. Nyu Abu Dhabi.
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  9. Simon Caney (2005). Cosmopolitanism, Democracy and Distributive Justice. Canadian Journal of Philosophy (sup1):29-63.
  10. Patrick Emerton & Toby Handfield (forthcoming). Understanding the Political Defensive Privilege. In Cecile Fabre & Seth Lazar (eds.), The Morality of Defensive War. Oxford University Press.
    Nations are understood to have a right to go to war, not only in defense of individual rights, but in defense of their own political standing in a given territory. This paper argues that the political defensive privilege cannot be satisfactorily explained, either on liberal cosmopolitan grounds or on pluralistic grounds. In particular, it is argued that pluralistic accounts require giving implausibly strong weight to the value of political communities, overwhelming the standing of individuals. Liberal cosmopolitans, it is argued, underestimate (...)
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  11. Eva Erman (2011). Human Rights Do Not Make Global Democracy. Contemporary Political Theory 10 (4):463.
    On most accounts of global democracy, human rights are ascribed a central function. Still, their conceptual role in global democracy is often unclear. Two recent attempts to remedy this deficiency have been made by James Bohman and Michael Goodhart. What is interesting about their proposals is that they make the case that under the present circumstances of politics, global democracy is best conceptualized in terms of human rights. Although the article is sympathetic to this ‘human rights approach’, it defends the (...)
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  12. Eva Erman (2008). On Goodhart's Global Democracy: A Critique. Ethics and International Affairs 22 (4).
  13. Peter Higgins (2013). Immigration Justice. Edinburgh University Press.
    By what moral standards must nation-states select immigration policies? A central contention of Immigration Justice is that the justice of an immigration policy can be ascertained only through consideration of the pervasive, systematic, and unjust inequalities engendered by the institutions that constitute our social world. Immigration policies affect people primarily as members of social groups demarcated from each other by members’ gender, race, and class. For this reason, this book argues that states’ selection of immigration policies is a matter of (...)
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  14. Peter Higgins (2008). Open Borders and the Right to Immigration. Human Rights Review 9 (4):525-535.
    This paper argues that the relevant unit of analysis for assessing the justice of an immigration policy is the socially-situated individual (as opposed to the individual simpliciter or the nation-state, for example). This methodological principle is demonstrated indirectly by showing how some liberal, cosmopolitan defenses of "open borders" and the alleged right of immigration fail by their own standards, owing to the implicit adoption of an inappropriate unit of analysis.
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  15. Peter Higgins (2007). Review of Benhabib, Seyla: The Rights of Others: Aliens, Residents, and Citizens (Cambridge University Press, 2004). [REVIEW] Human Rights Review 8 (2):133-135.
  16. Pauline Kleingeld (2006). Defending the Plurality of States: Cloots, Kant, and Rawls. Social Theory and Practice 32 (4):559-578.
  17. Pauline Kleingeld (2004). Approaching Perpetual Peace: Kant’s Defence of a League of States and His Ideal of a World Federation. European Journal of Philosophy 12 (3):304-325.
    There exists a standard view of Kant’s position on global order and this view informs much of current Kantian political theory. This standard view is that Kant advocates a voluntary league of states and rejects the ideal of a federative state of states as dangerous, unrealistic, and conceptually incoherent. This standard interpretation is usually thought to fall victim to three equally standard objections. In this essay, I argue that the standard interpretation is mistaken and that the three standard objections miss (...)
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  18. Pauline Kleingeld (1998). Kant's Cosmopolitan Law: World Citizenship for a Global Order. Kantian Review 2:72-90.
    Kant's unduly neglected concept of cosmopolitan law suggests a third sphere of public law -- in addition to constitutional law and international law -- in which both states and individuals have rights, and where individuals have these rights as ‛citizens of the earth' rather than as citizens of particular states. I critically examine Kant's view of cosmopolitan law, discussing its addressees, content, justification, and institutionalization. I argue that Kant's conception of ‛world citizenship' is neither merely metaphorical nor dependent on an (...)
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  19. Holly Lawford-Smith (2012). The Motivation Question: Arguments From Justice, and From Humanity. British Journal of Political Science 42:661-678.
    There are many interesting questions to ask about cosmopolitan arguments. Is it true that the sphere of moral concern is global? Which sets of actions would realize the outcomes of global justice that cosmopolitans seek? Are those sets of actions feasible, and when we compare them against each other, which is the most feasible? The question I want to focus on in this paper is a question of the latter kind, but I want to take a slightly unique approach to (...)
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  20. Holly Lawford-Smith (2011). Cosmopolitan Global Justice: Brock Vs. The Feasibility Sceptic. Global Justice Theory Practice Rhetoric (4).
  21. Christian List & Mathias Koenig-Archibugi (2010). Can There Be a Global Demos? An Agency-Based Approach. Philosophy and Public Affairs 38 (1):76-110.
    Can there be a global demos? The current debate about this topic is divided between two opposing camps: the “pessimist” or “impossibilist” camp, which holds that the emergence of a global demos is either conceptually or empirically impossible, and the “optimist” or “possibilist” camp, which holds that the emergence of a global demos is conceptually as well as empirically possible and an embryonic version of it already exists. However, the two camps agree neither on a common working definition of a (...)
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  22. Aaron Maltais (2008). Global Warming and Our Natural Duties of Justice. Dissertation, Uppsala University
    Compelling research in international relations and international political economy on global warming suggests that one part of any meaningful effort to radically reverse current trends of increasing green house gas (GHG) emissions is shared policies among states that generate costs for such emissions in many if not most of the world’s regions. Effectively employing such policies involves gaining much more extensive global commitments and developing much stronger compliance mechanism than those currently found in the Kyoto Protocol. In other words, global (...)
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  23. David A. Reidy (2008). Human Rights: Institutions and Agendas. Public Affairs Quarterly 22 (4):409-433.
    Distinguishes and shows how one can coherently affirm distinct human rights agendas rooted in distinct conceptions of human rights, each with its own normative aim and institutional and discursive field of application.
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  24. David Wiens (forthcoming). Achieving Global Justice: Why Failures Matter More Than Ideals. In Kate Brennan (ed.), Making Global Institutions Work: Power, Accountability and Change. Routledge.
    My aim in this paper is twofold. First, I challenge the view that ideal normative principles offer appropriate guidelines for our efforts to identify morally progressive institutional reform strategies. I shall call this view the "ideal guidance approach." Second, I develop an alternative methodological approach to specifying nonideal normative principles, which I call the "failure analysis approach." I contrast these alternatives using examples from the global justice literature.
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  25. Lea Ypi (2008). Sovereignty, Cosmopolitanism and the Ethics of European Foreign Policy. European Journal of Political Theory 7 (3):349-364.
    This article explores the tensions between cosmopolitanism and sovereignty as a means to conceptualize the ethics of European foreign policy. It starts by discussing the claim that, in order for the EU to play a meaningful role as an international actor, a definition of the common ethical values orienting its political conduct is required. The question of a European federation of states and its ethical conceptualization emerges clearly in some of the philosophical writings of the 17th and 18th centuries. I (...)
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