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Siblings:History/traditions: Political Legitimacy
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  1. Philip Abbott (1980). Moral Principles and Political Obligations. [REVIEW] Political Theory 8 (4):568-570.
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  2. Arash Abizadeh (2012). On the Demos and its Kin: Nationalism, Democracy, and the Boundary Problem. American Political Science Review 106 (4):867-882.
    Cultural-nationalist and democratic theory both seek to legitimize political power via collective self-rule: their principle of legitimacy refers right back to the very persons over whom political power is exercised. But such self-referential theories are incapable of jointly solving the distinct problems of legitimacy and boundaries, which they necessarily combine, once it is assumed that the self-ruling collectivity must be a pre-political, in-principle bounded, ground of legitimacy. Cultural nationalism claims that political power is legitimate insofar as it expresses the nation’s (...)
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  3. Arash Abizadeh (2010). Democratic Legitimacy and State Coercion: A Reply to David Miller. Political Theory 38 (1):121-130.
  4. Yann Allard‐Tremblay (2016). Divide and Rule Better: On Subsidiarity, Legitimacy and the Epistemic Aim of Political Decision‐Making. Journal of Applied Philosophy 33 (2):n/a-n/a.
    How should a political society be structured so as to legitimately distribute political power? One principle advanced to answer this question is the principle of subsidiarity. According to this principle, the default locus of political power is with the lowest competent political unit. This article argues that subsidiarity is a structural principle of a conception of political legitimacy informed by epistemic considerations. Broadly, the argument is that political societies organised according to the principle of subsidiarity can more effectively achieve political (...)
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  5. A. Altman (2001). The Democratic Legitimacy of Bias Crime Laws: Public Reason and the Political Process. [REVIEW] Law and Philosophy 20 (2):141-173.
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  6. Gordon L. Anderson (2004). Philosophy of the United States Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness. Monograph Collection (Matt - Pseudo).
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  7. Arthur Isak Applbaum (1992). Democratic Legitimacy and Official Discretion. Philosophy and Public Affairs 21 (3):240-274.
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  8. Marcus Arvan (2009). In Defense of Discretionary Association Theories of Political Legitimacy: Reply to Buchanan. Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy.
    Allen Buchanan has argued that a widely defended view of the nature of the state – the view that the state is a discretionary association for the mutual advantage of its members – must be rejected because it cannot adequately account for moral requirements of humanitarian intervention. This paper argues that Buchanan’s objection is unsuccessful,and moreover, that discretionary association theories can preserve an important distinction that Buchanan’s alternative approach to political legitimacy cannot: the distinction between “internal” legitimacy (a state’s ability (...)
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  9. W. J. Ashley (1896). Book Review:Anarchy or Government? An Inquiry in Fundamental Politics. William Mackintire Salter. [REVIEW] Ethics 6 (3):395-.
  10. F. M. Barnard (1988). Self-Direction and Political Legitimacy: Rousseau and Herder. Oxford University.
    Johann Gottfried Herder (1744-1803) has been called the German Rousseau. Yet while Rousseau is recognized as a political thinker, Herder is not. This book explores each thinker's ideas--on nature and culture, selfhood and mutuality, paternalism, freedom, and autonomy--and compares their conceptions of legitimate statehood. Arguing that the crux of political legitimacy for both men was the possibility of "extended selfhood," Barnard shows that Herder, like Rousseau, profoundly altered human self-understandings, thus influencing modes of justifying political allegiance.
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  11. Frederick M. Barnard (2001). Democratic Legitimacy: Plural Values and Political Power. Mcgill-Queen's University Press.
    Barnard argues that Western democracy, if it is to continue to exist as a legitimate political system, must maintain the integrity of its application of performative principles. Consequently, if both social and political democracy are legitimate goals, limitations designed to curb excessive political power may also be applicable in containing excessive economic power. Barnard stresses that whatever steps are taken to augment civic reciprocity, the observance and self-imposition of publicly recognized standards is vital. Democratic Legitimacy will appeal to political scientists (...)
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  12. Norman Barry (1988). Freedom, Law and Authority: The State and Legitimacy. Royal Institute of Philosophy Lectures 24:191-206.
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  13. L. Basta-Ivancevic (1986). A Constitution as an Act of Positivation of the Legitimacy Principle. Rechtstheorie 17 (1):111-121.
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  14. David Beetham (1991). Max Weber and the Legitimacy of the Modern State. Analyse & Kritik 13 (1):34-45.
    Max Weber's typology of legitimate ,Herrschaft, has provided the basis for the treatment of legitimacy in twentieth century sociology and political science. The thesis of the article is that this typology is a misleading tool for the analysis of the modern state, and especially for the comparative analysis of political systems. This is because of basic flaws in Weber's conceptualisation of legitimacy itself, and in his account of the normative basis of authority. The article offers an alternative, multi-dimensional account of (...)
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  15. W. L. Bennett (1978). Books in Review : Legitimacy and the Politics of the Knowable by Roger Holmes. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976. Pp. VIII, 191. $11.50. [REVIEW] Political Theory 6 (1):131-134.
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  16. Christopher Bertram (1997). Political Justification, Theoretical Complexity, and Democratic Community. Ethics 107 (4):563-583.
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  17. Thomas M. Besch (2013). On Political Legitimacy, Reasonableness, and Perfectionism. Public Reason 5 (1):58-74.
    The paper advances a non-orthodox reading of political liberalism’s view of political legitimacy, the view of public political justification that comes with it, and the idea of the reasonable at the heart of these views. Political liberalism entails that full discursive standing should be accorded only to people who are reasonable in a substantive sense. As the paper argues, this renders political liberalism dogmatic and exclusivist at the level of arguments for or against normative theories of justice. Against that background, (...)
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  18. William Boardman, Some Themes in David Schmidtz, the Limits of Government: An Essay on the Public Goods Argument (Westview Press: 1991).
    The Scylla and Charybdis of institutions of cooperative enterprises are the potential for free riders, on the one hand, and the fact that some people may not value certain public goods. If we go to the one side, we encourage people who do value the public goods but whom cannot be excluded from enjoying them, to refuse to pay their share of the costs of providing them; if we go to the other side and force everyone to pay for them, (...)
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  19. Manjit Bola (1996). Questions of Legitimacy? The Fit Between Researcher and Researched. In Sue Wilkinson & Celia Kitzinger (eds.), Representing the Other: A Feminism & Psychology Reader. Sage Publications 125.
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  20. Mauro P. Bottalico (1997). On the Legitimacy of Political Power: A Study of Locke's "Second Treatise of Government". Dissertation, The Catholic University of America
    This dissertation applies the method of Platonic recollection to the legitimacy of political power: the reason for it, what distinguishes political power from other kinds of power, the sovereign's right to political power, and the scope of the sovereign's authority. My aim is to disclose the subject in its essential, intrinsic determinations. ;I begin with an historical situation in which a crisis of legitimacy precipitated by disagreements over the kind of warrant that is necessary and sufficient to establish a particular (...)
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  21. Jason Brennan (forthcoming). Why Liberal States Must Accommodate Tax Resistors. Public Affairs Quarterly.
    Liberal states ought to accommodate conscientious tax resistance for the same reasons they should accommodate conscientious objection to fighting in war. Conscientious objection to fighting is nothing special.
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  22. Jason Brennan (2011). The Right to a Competent Electorate. Philosophical Quarterly 61 (245):700-724.
    The practice of unrestricted universal suffrage is unjust. Citizens have a right that any political power held over them should be exercised by competent people in a competent way. Universal suffrage violates this right. To satisfy this right, universal suffrage in most cases must be replaced by a moderate epistocracy, in which suffrage is restricted to citizens of sufficient political competence. Epistocracy itself seems to fall foul of the qualified acceptability requirement, that political power must be distributed in ways against (...)
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  23. Thom Brooks (2013/2009). Hegel's Political Philosophy: A Systematic Reading of the Philosophy of Right. Edinburgh University Press.
    A new edition of the first systematic reading of Hegel's political philosophy Elements of the Philosophy of Right is widely acknowledged to be one of the most important works in the history of political philosophy. This is the first book on the subject to take Hegel's system of speculative philosophy seriously as an important component of any robust understanding of this text. Key Features •Sets out the difference between 'systematic' and 'non-systematic' readings of Philosophy of Right •Outlines the unique structure (...)
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  24. Allen Buchanan (2002). Political Legitimacy and Democracy. Ethics 112 (4):689-719.
  25. Richard M. Buck (2008). Religion, Identity, and Political Legitimacy: Toward Democratic Inclusion. Journal of Social Philosophy 39 (3):340-358.
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  26. H. G. Callaway (2008). Review of Schlesinger, War and the American Presidency. [REVIEW] Reason Papers 2008 (No. 30):121-128.
    This is a expository and critical review of Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. 's last book, War and the American Presidency. The book collects and focuses recent writings of Arthur Schlesinger on the themes of its title. In its short Foreword and seven concise essays, the book aims to explore, in some contrast with the genre of “instant history,” the relationship between President George W. Bush’s Iraq adventure and the national past. This aim and the present work are deserving of wide attention, (...)
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  27. Eric M. Cave (1996). Would Pluralist Angels (Really) Need Government? Philosophical Studies 81 (2-3):227 - 246.
  28. Emanuela Ceva & Maria Paola Ferretti (2014). Liberal Democratic Institutions and the Damages of Political Corruption. Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 9 (1):126-145.
    This article contributes to the debate concerning the identification of politically relevant cases of corruption in a democracy by sketching the basic traits of an original liberal theory of institutional corruption. We define this form of corruption as a deviation with respect to the role entrusted to people occupying certain institutional positions, which are crucial for the implementation of public rules, for private gain. In order to illustrate the damages that corrupt behaviour makes to liberal democratic institutions, we discuss the (...)
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  29. Emanuela Ceva & Enzo Rossi (eds.) (2012). Justice, Legitimacy, and Diversity: Political Authority Between Realism and Moralism. Routledge.
    Most contemporary political philosophers take justice—rather than legitimacy—to be the fundamental virtue of political institutions vis-à-vis the challenges of ethical diversity. Justice-driven theorists are primarily concerned with finding mutually acceptable terms to arbitrate the claims of conflicting individuals and groups. Legitimacy-driven theorists, instead, focus on the conditions under which those exercising political authority on an ethically heterogeneous polity are entitled to do so. But what difference would it make to the management of ethical diversity in liberal democratic societies if legitimacy (...)
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  30. Emanuela Ceva, Chiara Testino & Federico Zuolo (2015). The Legitimacy of the Supranational Regulation of Local Systems of Food Production: A Discussion Whose Time Has Come. Journal of Social Philosophy 46 (4):418-433.
    By reference to the illustrative case of the supranational regulation of local systems of food production, we aim to show the importance of identifying issues of international legitimacy as a discrete component – alongside issues of global distributive justice – of the liberal project of public justification of supranational collective decisions. Therefore, we offer the diagnosis of a problem but do not prescribe the therapy to cure it.
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  31. Yuk-kit Chan (2009). Staging Democracy: Rethinking Political Legitimacy and The. Political Theory 37 (3):323-350.
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  32. Francis Cheneval, Constituting the Dêmoi Democratically.
    The original constitution of the dêmos by democratic means is a fundamental problem for normative democratic theory. In this paper, I make an assessment of different solutions to the dêmos problem that have been presented in recent literature. I find that none of them is adequate, and thus hold that the dêmos problem remains unresolved. At the end of the paper, I propose a constellation in which multiple dêmoi are thought to be constituted at the same time. I show that (...)
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  33. Thomas Christiano (2006). Debate: Democracy's Authority: Reply to Wall. Journal of Political Philosophy 14 (1):101–110.
  34. M. Coakley (2011). On the Value of Political Legitimacy. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 10 (4):345-369.
    Theories of political legitimacy normally stipulate certain conditions of legitimacy: the features a state must possess in order to be legitimate. Yet there is obviously a second question as to the value of legitimacy: the normative features a state has by virtue of it being legitimate (such as it being owed obedience, having a right to use coercion, or enjoying a general justification in the use of force). I argue that it is difficult to demonstrate that affording these to legitimate (...)
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  35. Howard Cohen (1978). On the Exchange Between Schrag and Cohen, "the Child's Status in the Democratic State". Political Theory 6 (2):249-251.
  36. David Copp (1999). The Idea of a Legitimate State. Philosophy and Public Affairs 28 (1):3-45.
    A legitimate state would have a right to rule. The problem is to understand, first, precisely what this right amounts to, and second, under what conditions a state would have it. According to the traditional account, the legitimacy of a state is to be explained in terms of its subjects’ obligation to obey the law. I argue that this account is inadequate. I propose that the legitimacy of a state would consist in its having a bundle of rights of various (...)
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  37. Fred D'Agostino (2003). Review: Democratic Legitimacy: Plural Values and Political Power. [REVIEW] Mind 112 (447):499-502.
  38. Marc-Kevin Daoust (2016). Pourquoi délibérer ? Du potentiel épistémique à la justification publique. Philosophiques 43 (1):23-48.
    Cet article a deux objectifs. Le premier est de montrer pourquoi l’argument instrumental en faveur de la démocratie est insuffisant pour justifier la délibération politique. Si notre but est l’optimisation du potentiel épistémique d’un régime politique, et que des approches agrégatives et inférentielles (sans délibération) atteignent cet objectif, alors nous ne pouvons plus justifier la délibération sur cette base. Ce problème peut être contourné en reprenant une distinction de Daniel Andler. Pour ce dernier, le groupe délibératif se distingue du groupe (...)
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  39. Teodoro Klitsche de la Grange (2002). Italy: Between Bureaucratic Power and Democratic Legitimacy. Telos: Critical Theory of the Contemporary 2002 (123):167-174.
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  40. Candice Delmas (2014). Samaritanism and Political Legitimacy. Analysis 74 (2):254-262.
    On Christopher H. Wellman’s Samaritan account of political legitimacy, the state is justified in coercing its subjects because doing so is necessary to rescue them from the perils of the state of nature. Samaritanism – the principle that we are morally permitted to do what is necessary to rescue someone from serious peril if in doing so we do not impose unreasonable costs on others – only justifies a minimal state, in Wellman’s view. I argue contra Wellman that Samaritanism justifies (...)
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  41. Gerald Doppelt (2001). Does the Extension of Democratic Decision-Making Imply Social Justice? Inquiry 44 (3):359 – 383.
  42. Robin Douglass (forthcoming). Control, Consent and Political Legitimacy. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-20.
  43. Craig Duncan, Democratic Liberalism:The Politics of Dignity.
    (a chapter from my book Libertarianism:For and Against).
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  44. John Dunn (1969). The Political Thought of John Locke: An Historical Account of the Argument of the 'Two Treatises of Government'. London, Cambridge U.P..
    This study provides a comprehensive reinterpretation of the meaning of Locke's political thought. John Dunn restores Locke's ideas to their exact context, and so stresses the historical question of what Locke in the Two Treatises of Government was intending to claim. By adopting this approach, he reveals the predominantly theological character of all Locke's thinking about politics and provides a convincing analysis of the development of Locke's thought. In a polemical concluding section, John Dunn argues that liberal and Marxist interpretations (...)
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  45. Sanjay Kumar Dwivedi (2013). India's Efforts in Coping the Threats of Climate Change. SOCRATES 1 (1):43-57.
    The global Climate Change has unprecedented consequences in terms of scale and severity over human life. The accumulation of greenhouse gases and CFCs has increased environmental deterioration which is called global warming. Erratic changes in weather, brutal blizzards and floods, vicious heat wave etc. are only some of the effects of climate change. But the most dangerous effect of climate change is the melting of ice caps on the poles due to which sea levels are rising dangerously and life at (...)
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  46. Terence Rajivan Edward, The Asymmetry Objection to Political Liberalism: Evaluation of a Defence.
    This paper evaluates Jonathan Quong’s attempt to defend a version of political liberalism from the asymmetry objection. I object that Quong’s defence relies on a premise that has not been adequately supported and does not look as if it can be given adequate support.
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  47. Jeffrey Epstein (2016). Democracy and Its Others. Bloomsbury.
    Today's unprecedented levels of human migration present urgent challenges to traditional conceptualizations of national identity, nation-state sovereignty, and democratic citizenship. Foreigners are commonly viewed as outsiders whose inclusion within or exclusion from “the people” of the democratic state rests upon whether they benefit or threaten the unity of the nation. Against this instrumentalization of the foreigner, this book traces the historical development of the concepts of sovereignty and foreignness through the thought of philosophers such as Plato, Locke, Hobbes, Rousseau, Derrida, (...)
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  48. Erik O. Eriksen (2007). Democratic Legitimacy–Working Agreement or Rational Consensus? In Nils Gilje & Harald Grimen (eds.), Discursive Modernity. Universitetsforlaget 92--115.
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  49. E. Erman & A. Uhlin (eds.) (2010). Legitimacy Beyond the Nation-State? Palgrave Macmillan.
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  50. Stephen L. Esquith (1999). Toward a Democratic Rule of Law: East and West. Political Theory 27 (3):334-356.
    Article 2: The Republic of Poland shall be a democratic state ruled by law and implementing the principles of social justice....Article 7: The organs of public authority shall function on the basis of, and within the limits of, the law. Constitution of the Republic of Poland, April 2, 1997Chapter 1, Article 1: The Slovak Republic is a democratic and sovereign state ruled by the law. It is bound neither to an ideology, or to a religion. Constitution of Slovakia, September 1, (...)
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