Political Liberalism Edited by Shaun Young (York University, University of Toronto)

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  1. Kristoffer Ahlstrom-Vij (2011). Democracy and Moral Conflict – Robert B. Talisse. Philosophical Quarterly 61 (244):666-668.
    The review argues that Talisse's epistemic defense of democracy in his "Democracy and Moral Conflict," albeit novel and interesting, falls prey to an epistemic analogue of the problem of reasonable moral pluralism that Rawls famously posed for moral justifications of democracy.
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  2. John P. Anderson (2003). Patriotic Liberalism. Law and Philosophy 22 (6):577 - 595.
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  3. Richard Arneson, Rawls Versus Utilitarianism in the Light of Political Liberalism.
    The critique of utilitarianism forms a crucial subplot in the complex analysis of social justice that John Rawls develops in his first book, A Theory of Justice.1 The weaknesses of utilitarianism indicate the need for an alternative theory, and at many stages of the argument the test for the adequacy of the new theory that Rawls elaborates is whether it can be demonstrated to be superior to the utilitarian rival. The account of social justice shifts in the transition to Rawls’s (...)
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  4. Richard J. Arneson, Value Pluralism Does Not Support Liberalism.
    Following hints in the writings of Isaiah Berlin, some political theorists hold that the thesis of value pluralism is true and that this truth provides support for political liberalism of a sort that prescribes wide guarantees of individual liberty.1 There are many different goods, and they are incommensurable. Hence, people should be left free to live their own lives as they choose so long as they don’t harm others in certain ways. In a free society there is a strong presumption (...)
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  5. Mitchell Avila (2007). Defending a Law of Peoples: Political Liberalism and Decent Peoples. Journal of Ethics 11 (1):87 - 124.
    In this paper I reconstruct and defend John Rawls' The Law of Peoples, including the distinction between liberal and decent peoples. A “decent people” is defined as a people who possesses a comprehensive doctrine and uses that doctrine as the ground of political legitimacy, while liberal peoples do not possess a comprehensive doctrine. I argue that liberal and decent peoples are bound by the same normative requirements with the qualification that decent peoples accept the same normative demands when they are (...)
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  6. Stephen W. Ball (1998). Critical Review of Rawls's Political Liberalism: A Utilitarian and Decision-Theoretical Analysis of the Main Arguments. Utilitas 10 (02):222-.
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  7. Brian Barry (1995). John Rawls and the Search for Stability:A Thory of Justice John Rawls; Political Liberalism John Rawls. Ethics 105 (4):874-.
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  8. Brian Barry (1994). In Defense of Political Liberalism. Ratio Juris 7 (3):325-330.
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  9. Donald Beggs (1999). Rawls's Political Postmodernism. Continental Philosophy Review 32 (2):123-141.
    John Rawls has recently shifted to a "freestanding" or "political" liberalism from his earlier "comprehensive" and "moral" liberalism. I argue that this move is based on several key features that make Rawlsian liberal pluralism indelibly postmodern. Two of the more obvious features are the denial of foundationalism and the rejection of a truth status for public-sphere justifications of the basic political structure. In conclusion, I suggest that a late-modern postliberalism is a viable alternative.
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  10. Derek R. Bell (2004). Creating Green Citizens? Political Liberalism and Environmental Education. Journal of Philosophy of Education 38 (1):37–54.
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  11. Thomas M. Besch, On Political Legitimacy, Reasonableness, and Perfectionism.
    The paper advances a novel reading of the role of the constructivist idea of legitimacy at the systematic heart of Rawls-type political liberalism. This idea accords full discursive standing only to people who are reasonable in a highly substantive sense. The paper explains how this renders political liberalism both dogmatic and exclusivist at the higher-order level of arguments for or against theories of justice. The paper then outlines aspects of a view of political justification that is more aligned with the (...)
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  12. Thomas M. Besch (2004). On Practical Constructivism and Reasonableness. Dissertation, University of Oxford
    The dissertation defends that the often-assumed link between constructivism and universalism builds on non-constructivist, perfectionist grounds. To this end, I argue that an exemplary form of universalist constructivism – i.e., O’Neill’s Kantian constructivism – can defend its universalist commitments against an influential particularist form of constructivism – i.e., political liberalism as advanced by Rawls, Macedo, and Larmore (I show why this is a particularist form of constructivism) – only if it invokes a perfectionist view of the good. Contrary to what (...)
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  13. Thomas M. Besch (1998). Über John Rawls' Politischen Liberalismus. Peter Lang.
    (In German.) The book addresses Rawls's post-1985 political liberalism. His justification of political liberalism -- as reflected in his arguments from overlapping consensus -- faces the problem that liberal content can be justified as reciprocally acceptable only if the addressees of such a justification already endorse points of view that suitably support liberal ideas. Rawls responds to this legitimacy-theoretical problem by restricting public justification's scope to include reasonable people only, while implicitly defining reasonableness as a substantive liberal virtue. But this (...)
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  14. Justin B. Biddle (2009). Advocates or Unencumbered Selves? On the Role of Mill's Political Liberalism in Longino's Contextual Empiricism. Philosophy of Science 76 (5).
    Helen Longino’s “contextual empiricism” is one of the most sophisticated recent attempts to defend a social theory of science. On this view, objectivity and epistemic acceptability require that research be produced within communities that approximate a Millian marketplace of ideas. I argue, however, that Longino’s embedding of her epistemology within the framework of Mill’s political liberalism implies a conception of individual epistemic agents that is incompatible with her view that scientific knowledge is necessarily social, and I begin to articulate an (...)
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  15. Mehmet Fevzi Bilgin (2007). The Prospects for Political Liberalism in Non-Western Societies. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 10 (3):359-376.
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  16. James Boettcher (2009). Habermas, Religion and the Ethics of Citizenship. Philosophy and Social Criticism 35 (1-2):215-238.
    A recent essay by Jürgen Habermas revisits political liberalism and takes up the question of the extent to which democratic citizens and officials should rely on their religious convictions in publicly deliberating about and deciding political issues. With his institutional translation proviso, a proposed alternative to Rawls' idea of public reason, Habermas hopes to dodge familiar (and often overstated) criticisms that liberal requirements of citizenship are unfair or disproportionately burdensome to religious believers. I argue that, due in part to its (...)
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  17. James Boettcher (2007). Respect, Recognition, and Public Reason. Social Theory and Practice 33 (2):223-249.
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  18. James Boettcher (2004). What is Reasonableness? Philosophy and Social Criticism 30 (5-6):597-621.
    The concept of reasonableness is essential to John Rawls’s political liberalism, and especially to its main ideas of public reason and liberal legitimacy. Yet the somewhat ambiguous account of reasonableness in Political Liberalism has led to concerns that the Rawlsian distinction between the reasonable and the unreasonable is arbitrary and ultimately indefensible. This paper attempts to advance a more convincing interpretation of reasonableness. I argue that the reasonable applies first to citizens, who then play an important role in determining which (...)
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  19. James Bohman (1995). Public Reason and Cultural Pluralism: Political Liberalism and the Problem of Moral Conflict. Political Theory 23 (2):253-279.
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  20. Matteo Bonotti (2011). Religious Political Parties and the Limits of Political Liberalism. Res Publica 17 (2):107-123.
    Political parties have only recently become a subject of investigation in political theory. In this paper I analyse religious political parties in the context of John Rawls’s political liberalism. Rawlsian political liberalism, I argue, overly constrains the scope of democratic political contestation and especially for the kind of contestation channelled by parties. This restriction imposed upon political contestation risks undermining democracy and the development of the kind of democratic ethos that political liberalism cherishes. In this paper I therefore aim to (...)
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  21. Elizabeth Brake (2010). Minimal Marriage: What Political Liberalism Implies for Marriage Law. Ethics 120 (2):302-337.
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  22. Jason Brennan & John Tomasi (forthcoming). Classical Liberalism. In David Estlund (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Political Philosophy. Oxford University Press.
    The central question animating liberal thought is: How can people live together as free and equal? This question is being reinvigorated by the emergence of what we will call neoclassical liberalism. Neoclassical liberals, such as David Schmidtz, Gerald Gaus, Charles Griswold, Jacob Levy, Matt Zwolinski, Will Wilkinson, and we, the authors, share classical liberalism’s commitment to robust economic liberties and property rights as well as modern or “high” liberalism’s commitment to social justice. On the neoclassical liberal view, part of the (...)
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  23. Allen Buchanan (2004). Political Liberalism and Social Epistemology. Philosophy and Public Affairs 32 (2):95–130.
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  24. Richard M. Buck (2004). Shaun P. Young, Beyond Rawls: An Analysis of the Concept of Political Liberalism. Lanham, Maryland: University Press of America, 2002, 207 Pp. ISBN 0-7618-2241-0, $36.00 (Pb). Journal of Value Inquiry 38 (3).
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  25. Barry Bull (2010). Policy Implications of Social Justice in Education. Ethics and Education 4 (2):141-152.
    This article analyzes the implications of a particular conception of social justice in education for the policies that have led to significant political controversies in contemporary communities in the United States. Many of these controversies have arisen from the collision between the increasingly multicultural reality in those communities and the accountability system that has during the past decade or so been imposed on the schools by standards-based reformers in the federal and state governments. For this task, the article considers the (...)
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  26. Brian E. Butler (2001). There Are Peoples and There Are Peoples: A Critique of Rawls' Law of Peoples. Florida Philosophical Review 1 (2):1-24.
    In this paper, I aim to show that the arguments offered and conclusions at which Rawls aims in his book, The Law of Peoples, are telling as to the intellectual legitimacy of his larger theoretical project. To show this I first investigate how (1) non-liberal peoples fit within the limitations Rawls describes in The Law of Peoples and (2) how liberal peoples would react to such rules. I argue from the answers to these questions to the further conclusion that by (...)
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  27. Alan Carter (2006). Political Liberalism and Political Compliance: Part 2 of the Problem of Political Compliance in Rawls’s Theories of Justice. Journal of Moral Philosophy 3 (2):135-157.
    Three interlocking features appear to underpin Rawls’s justification of political compliance within the context of political liberalism: namely, a specific territory; a specific society; and a specific conception of what it is to be reasonable. When any one feature is subject to critical examination, while presupposing that the other two are acceptable, Rawls’s argument for political compliance may seem persuasive. But when all three features are critically examined together, his justification of political compliance within political liberalism can be seen to (...)
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  28. Clare Chambers (2004). Are Breast Implants Better Than Female Genital Mutilation? Autonomy, Gender Equality and Nussbaum's Political Liberalism. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 7 (3):1-33.
    This essay considers the tension between political liberalism and gender equality in the light of social construction and multiculturalism. The tension is exemplified by the work of Martha Nussbaum, who tries to reconcile a belief in the universality of certain liberal values such as gender equality with a political liberal tolerance for cultural practices that violate gender equality. The essay distinguishes between first? and second?order conceptions of autonomy, and shows that political liberals mistakenly prioritise second?order autonomy. This prioritisation leads political (...)
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  29. Christian Coons (2001). Wellman's “Reductive” Justifications for Redistributive Policies That Favor Compatriots. Ethics 111 (4):782-788.
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  30. M. Victoria Costa (2004). Political Liberalism and the Complexity of Civic Virtue. Southern Journal of Philosophy 42 (2):149-170.
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  31. Alan Dagovitz (2004). When Choice Does Not Matter: Political Liberalism, Religion and the Faith School Debate. Journal of Philosophy of Education 38 (2):165–180.
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  32. Gordon Davis & Blain Neufeld (2007). Political Liberalism, Civic Education, and Educational Choice. Social Theory and Practice 33 (1):47-74.
    In this paper we argue that John Rawls’s account of political liberalism requires a conception of mutual respect that differs from the one advanced in A Theory of Justice. We formulate such a political liberal form of mutual respect, which we call ‘civic respect.’ We also maintain that core features of political liberalism – in particular, the ideas of ‘the burdens of judgment’ and ‘public reason’ – do not commit political liberalism to an ideal of personal autonomy, contrary to claims (...)
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  33. Ryan W. Davis (2011). Justice: Metaphysical, After All? Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 14 (2):207-222.
    Political liberals, following Rawls, believe that justice should be ‘political’ rather than ‘metaphysical.’ In other words, a conception of justice ought to be freestanding from first-order moral and metaethical views. The reason for this is to ensure that the state’s coercion be justified to citizens in terms that meet political liberalism’s principle of legitimacy. I suggest that privileging a political conception of justice involves costs—such as forgoing the opportunity for political theory to learn from other areas of philosophy. I argue (...)
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  34. Daniel A. Dombrowski (2010). Responses to Critics. American Journal of Theology and Philosophy 31 (3):225-242.
    It is my good fortune to have three critics to respond to who are both insightful readers of two of my books and productive dialectical partners in the (Peircian) asymptotic approach to truth. I would like to initiate my response to Zandra Wagoner by thanking her for her clear and insightful comments and for the opportunity to clarify the relationship between the political liberalism that I defend and Wagoner’s own radical democracy. My comments will be divided into two main sections, (...)
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  35. Gerald Doppelt (2009). The Place of Self-Respect in a Theory of Justice. Inquiry 52 (2):127 – 154.
    This essay provides a critical examination of Rawls' (and Rawlsians') conception of self-respect, the social bases of self-respect, and the normative justification of equality in the social bases of self-respect. I defend a rival account of these notions and the normative ideals at stake in political liberalism and a theory of social justice. I make the following arguments: (1) I argue that it is unreasonable to take self-respect to be a primary social good, as Rawls and his interpreters characterize it; (...)
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  36. Craig Duncan, If God's Not a Liberal, Why Should I Be?
    In the pages of philosophy journals debate rages these days between "political" and "comprehensive liberals," a debate inaugurated by John Rawls’s seminal 1985 paper entitled "Justice as Fairness: Political not Metaphysical," from which the above quotation is drawn. As the quotation suggests, a political liberal is someone who believes that liberal justice should be defined and defended in terms that are independent of "comprehensive" philosophical and religious doctrines, that is, independent of doctrines that purport to describe, in some comprehensive way, (...)
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  37. Torben Bech Dyrberg (2005). The Democratic Ideology of Right–Left and Public Reason in Relation to Rawls's Political Liberalism. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 8 (2):161-176.
    This article aims to outline a perspective on democratic ideology centred on orientation and justification, which is discussed in relation to the right?left dyad and public reason. Ideology is approached in terms of the orientational structuring of identification processes, which is discussed in relation to the articulation between four pairs of orientational metaphors (up?down, in?out, front?back and right?left), which shape the political terrain and the terms of political justification. The latter is expressed in public reason based on political equality, pluralism (...)
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  38. David Dyzenhaus (1996). Liberalism After the Fall: Schmitt, Rawls and the Problem of Justification. Philosophy and Social Criticism 22 (3):9-37.
    Carl Schmitt's critique of liberalism portrays liberalism as a supple political ideology, one which moves constantly between the horns of several connected dilemmas. In particular, liberalism cannot decide whether it is based on substantive political values or is neutral or substanceless. John Rawls's 'political liberalism' is argued to exemplify-and to fall prey to-Schmitt's critique. Rawls tries to find a shallow justification for liberalism, one which claims no truth for itself and is thus neutral between many different ideologies. But his justification, (...)
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  39. Kyla Ebels-Duggan (2010). The Beginning of Community: Politics in the Face of Disagreement. Philosophical Quarterly 60 (238):50-71.
    Rawls' requirement that citizens of liberal democracies support only policies which they believe can be justified in 'public reason' depends on a certain ideal for the relationships between citizens. This is a valuable ideal, and thus citizens have reasons to try to achieve it. But it is not always possible to find the common ground that we would need in order to do so, and thus we should reject Rawls' strong claim that we have an obligation to defend our views (...)
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  40. David Estlund (1998). The Insularity of the Reasonable: Why Political Liberalism Must Admit the Truth. Ethics 108 (2):252-275.
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  41. David Estlund (1996). The Survival of Egalitarian Justice in John Rawls's Political Liberalism. Journal of Political Philosophy 4 (1):68–78.
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  42. Colin Farrelly, Public Reason, Neutrality and Civic Virtues.
    In this paper I argue that political liberalism is not the “minimalist liberalism” characterised by Michael Sandel and that it does not support the vision of public life characteristic of the procedural republic. I defend this claim by developing two points. The first concerns Rawls’s account of public reason. Drawing from examples in Canadian free speech jurisprudence I show how restrictions on commercial advertising, obscenity and hate propaganda can be justified by political values. Secondly, political liberalism also attends to the (...)
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  43. A. Ferrara (2010). Reflexive Pluralism. Philosophy and Social Criticism 36 (3-4):353-364.
    Reflexive pluralism is here put forward as the conception that is most reasonable for supporters of political liberalism to hold at a period when the reasons justifying acceptance of political and religious pluralism seem inadequate.
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  44. Timothy Fowler (2010). The Problems of Liberal Neutrality in Upbringing. Res Publica 16 (4):367-381.
    This paper considers the effect of political liberal principles on the children in society. Specifically, the paper argues that political liberalism faces a problem where parents or other adults want to pass on bizarre or dangerous beliefs to their offspring. This problem arises because in the political liberal framework the only limit on what doctrines a child may acquire is that the child becomes a reasonable citizen. Since this criterion is designed to be lax, this implies children may justly be (...)
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  45. F. M. Frohock (2006). An Alternative Model of Political Reasoning. Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 9 (1):27 - 64.
    The primary instrument of dispute management in political liberalism is a form of political thinking and talking that tries to reconcile opposed positions with an impartial settlement based on fair arrangements and mutual respect, one that is careful to treat rival views equitably, and reasoned through from start to finish with open methods that lead to a public justification understandable to the disputants. But this model of reasoning is notoriously deficient in resolving disputes among radically different communities. A more effective (...)
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  46. Gerald Gaus, State Neutrality and Controversial Values in On Liberty.
    In an important essay Charles Larmore tells us that Kant and Mill sought to justify the principle of political neutrality by appealing to ideals of autonomy and individuality. By remaining neutral with regard to controversial views of the good life, constitutional principles will express, according to them, what ought to be of supreme value throughout the whole of our life.1 On Larmore’s influential reading, Mill defended what we might call first-level neutrality: Millian principles determining justified legal (and, we might add, (...)
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  47. Gerald F. Gaus (1999). Reasonable Pluralism and the Domain of the Political: How the Weaknesses of John Rawls's Political Liberalism Can Be Overcome by a Justificatory Liberalism. Inquiry 42 (2):259 – 284.
    Under free institutions the exercise of human reason leads to a plurality of reasonable, yet irreconcilable doctrines. Rawls's political liberalism is intended as a response to this fundamental feature of modern democratic life. Justifying coercive political power by appeal to any one (or sample) of these doctrines is, Rawls believes, oppressive and illiberal. If we are to achieve unity without oppression, he tells us, we must all affirm a public political conception that is supported by these diverse reasonable doctrines. The (...)
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  48. William Glod (2010). Political Liberalism, Basic Liberties, and Legal Paternalism. Southern Journal of Philosophy 48 (2):177-196.
    This essay argues that neutral paternalism (NP) is problematic for antiperfectionist liberal theories. Section 2 raises textual evidence that Rawlsian liberalism does not oppose and may even support NP. In section 3, I cast doubt on whether NP should have a place in political liberalism by defending a partially comprehensive conception of the good I call “moral capacity at each moment,” or MCEM, that is inconsistent with NP. I then explain why MCEM is a reasonable conception on Rawls's account of (...)
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  49. Jurgen Habermas (1995). Reconciliation Through the Public Use of Reason: Remarks on John Rawls's Political Liberalism. Journal of Philosophy 92 (3):109-131.
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  50. Christie Hartley & Lori Watson (2010). Is Feminist Political Liberalism Possible? Journal of Ethics & Social Philosophy 5 (1).
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  51. Joseph Heath (2008). Political Egalitarianism. Social Theory and Practice 34 (4):485-516.
    The term “political” egalitarianism is used here, not to refer to equality within the political sphere, but rather in John Rawls’s sense, to refer to a conception of egalitarian distributive justice that is capable of serving as the object of an overlapping consensus in a pluralistic society.1 Thus “political” egalitarianism is political in the same way that Rawls’s “political” liberalism is political. The central task when it comes to developing such a conception of equality is to determine what constraints a (...)
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  52. David Ingram (2003). Between Political Liberalism and Postnational Cosmopolitanism: Toward an Alternative Theory of Human Rights. Political Theory 31 (3):359-391.
    It is well known that Rawls and Habermas propose different strategies for justifying and classifying human rights. The author argues that neither approach satisfies what he regards as threshold conditions of determinacy, rank ordering, and completeness that any enforceable system of human rights must possess. A related concern is that neither develops an adequate account of group rights, which the author argues fulfills subsidiary conditions for realizing human rights under specific conditions. This latter defect is especially serious in light of (...)
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  53. Akira Inoue, Discussion Note: Beyond a Strictly Political Liberalism? Critical Response to Abbey.
    of (from Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy).
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  54. Aaron James, Political Constructivism: Foundations and Novel Applications.
    What is “political constructivism”? And to what extent is it of general use to political philosophy? My aim is to suggest that we can extract answers to these questions from John Rawls’s most clearly constructivist work, “Kantian Constructivism in Moral Theory.” In particular, we can formulate political constructivism as a general approach to political philosophy which is free from at least two limitations that Rawls himself might otherwise seem to place on its potential scope. The first is the special “political” (...)
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  55. Margaret Jenkins (2010). Political Liberalism and Toleration in Foreign Policy. Journal of Social Philosophy 41 (1):112-136.
  56. David H. Jones (1992). A Pragmatic Defense of Some Liberal Civic Virtues. Southern Journal of Philosophy 30 (2):77-92.
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  57. Alexander Kaufman (2006). Rawls's Practical Conception of Justice: Opinion, Tradition and Objectivity in Political Liberalism. Journal of Moral Philosophy 3 (1):23-43.
    In Political Liberalism, Rawls emphasizes the practical character and aims of his conception of justice. Justice as fairness is to provide the basis of a reasoned, informed and willing political agreement by locating grounds for consensus in the fundamental ideas and values of the political culture. Critics urge, however, that such a politically liberal conception of justice will be designed merely to ensure the stability of political institutions by appealing to the currently-held opinions of actual citizens. In order to evaluate (...)
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  58. Larry Krasnoff (1998). Consensus, Stability, and Normativity in Rawl's Political Liberalism. Journal of Philosophy 95 (6):269-292.
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  59. Cécile Laborde (forthcoming). Political Liberalism and Religion: On Separation and Establishment. Journal of Political Philosophy:no-no.
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  60. Charles Larmore (1999). The Moral Basis of Political Liberalism. Journal of Philosophy 96 (12):599-625.
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  61. Charles Larmore (1990). Political Liberalism. Political Theory 18 (3):339-360.
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  62. Lars Lindblom (2011). The Structure of a Rawlsian Theory of Just Work. Journal of Business Ethics 101 (4):577-599.
    This article outlines the structure of a Rawlsian theory of justice in the employment relationship. A focus on this theory is motivated by the role it plays in debates in business ethics. The Rawlsian theory answers three central questions about justice and the workplace. What is the relationship between social justice and justice at work? How should we conceive of the problem of justice in the economic sphere? And, what is justice in the workplace? To see fully what demands justice (...)
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  63. David Lyons (1996). Political Liberalism, John Rawls. Columbia University Press, 1993, Xxxiv + 401 Pages. Economics and Philosophy 12 (02):221-.
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  64. S. Maffettone (2004). Political Liberalism: Reasonableness and Democratic Practice. Philosophy and Social Criticism 30 (5-6):541-577.
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  65. Andrew F. March, Islamic Foundations for a Social Contract in Non-Muslim Liberal Democracies.
    In this article I take up John Rawls's invitation to investigate the capacity of a given comprehensive ethical doctrine to endorse on principled grounds the liberal terms of social cooperation. In the case of Islamic political ethics, however, far more is at stake in affirming citizenship in a (non-Muslim) liberal democracy than state neutrality and individual autonomy. Islamic legal and political traditions have traditionally held that submission to non-Muslim political authority and bonds of loyalty and solidarity with non-Muslim societies are (...)
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  66. Andrew F. March (2007). Reading Tariq Ramadan: Political Liberalism, Islam, and "Overlapping Consensus". Ethics and International Affairs 21 (4):399–413.
    In this paper I discuss the controversy over the career and thought of Tariq Ramadan. I offer an account of what Western liberals ought to hope for from the thought of such a figure and then show, pace Ramadan's critiques, that his views on European citizenship and social cooperation are largely "reasonable" from the standpoint of political liberalism. I also situate Ramadan's views in the context of Islamic law and contemporary Islamist thought on life in the West.
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  67. Simon Căbulea May (2009). Religious Democracy and the Liberal Principle of Legitimacy. Philosophy and Public Affairs 37 (2):136-170.
    I argue against Rawls's claim that the liberal principle of legitimacy would be selected in the original position in addition to a democratic principle. Since a religious democracy could satisfy the democratic principle, the parties in the original position would not exclude it as illegitimate.
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  68. Thaddeus Metz (2002). Review of John Rawls, Justice as Fairness: A Restatement. [REVIEW] Philosophical Review 111 (4):618-620.
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  69. Chant Al Mouffe (1994). Political Liberalism. Neutrality and the Political. Ratio Juris 7 (3):314-324.
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  70. S. Mulhall (1998). Political Liberalism and Civic Education: The Liberal State and its Future Citizens. Journal of Philosophy of Education 32 (2):161–176.
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  71. Blain Neufeld (2009). Coercion, the Basic Structure, and the Family. Journal of Social Philosophy 40 (1):37-54.
    In this article I revise and defend a core feature of political liberalism, namely, the idea that principles of political justice should be limited in their scope of application to what John Rawls calls the ‘basic structure of society.’ I refer to this feature as the ‘basic structure restriction’ of political liberalism. According to my account of the basic structure restriction, the basic structure includes all and only those institutions that have a profound effect on the lives of all citizens, (...)
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  72. Blain Neufeld (2005). Civic Respect, Political Liberalism, and Non-Liberal Societies. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 4 (3):275-299.
    One prominent criticism of John Rawls’s The Law of Peoples is that it treats certain non-liberal societies, what Rawls calls ‘decent hierarchical societies’, as equal participants in a just international system. Rawls claims that these non-liberal societies should be respected as equals by liberal democratic societies, even though they do not grant their citizens the basic rights of democratic citizenship. This is presented by Rawls as a consequence of liberalism’s commitment to the principle of toleration. A number of critics have (...)
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  73. Glen Newey (2011). Toleration as Sedition. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 14 (3):363-384.
    This paper examines and criticizes the defence of toleration due to John Rawls in Political Liberalism, and similar strategies mobilized in defence of toleration. It argues that the notion of the burdens of judgement, used by Rawls to defend his doctrine of reasonable pluralism, faces incoherence: schematically, either disagreement succumbs to reason, or vice versa. On similar grounds, reasonable disagreement defences of neutrality fail because of a double-mindedness about the relation between private judgements and public reason. This problem arises, it (...)
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  74. Onora O'Neill (1997). Political Liberalism and Public Reason: A Critical Notice of John Rawls, Political Liberalism. Philosophical Review 106 (3):411-428.
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  75. Claus Offe (2001). Political Liberalism, Group Rights, and the Politics of Fear and Trust. Studies in East European Thought 53 (3):167-182.
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  76. Susan Moller Okin (1994). Political Liberalism, Justice, and Gender. Ethics 105 (1):23-43.
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  77. Marianna Papastephanou (2004). The Implicit Assumptions of Dividing a Cake: Political or Comprehensive? Human Studies 27 (3):307-334.
    Rawls''s recent modification of his theory of justice claims that political liberalism is free-standing and falls under the category of the political. It works entirely within that domain and does not rely on anything outside it In this article I pursue the metatheoretical goal of obtaining insight into the anthropological assumptions that have remained so far unacknowledged by Rawls and critics alike. My argument is that political liberalism has a dependence on comprehensive liberalism and its conception of a self-serving subjectivity (...)
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  78. Moses L. Pava (1998). Religious Business Ethics and Political Liberalism: An Integrative Approach. Journal of Business Ethics 17 (15):1633-1652.
    Increasingly many business practitioners and academics are turning to religious sources as a way of approaching and answering difficult questions related to business ethics. There now exists a relatively large literature which attempts to integrate business decisions and religious values. The integration, however, is not without difficulties. For many, religious ethics provides the basis and the ultimate authority for a morally meaningful life. Yet, at the same time, in certain contexts, it is often inappropriate to rely and to publicly justify (...)
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  79. Jonathan Quong (2007). Political Liberalism Without Scepticism. Ratio 20 (3):320–340.
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  80. Jonathan Quong (2005). Disagreement, Asymmetry, and Liberal Legitimacy. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 4 (3):301-330.
    Reasonable people disagree deeply about the nature of the good life. But reasonable people also disagree fundamentally about principles of justice. If this is true, then why does political liberalism permit the state to act on reasons of justice, but not for reasons grounded in conceptions of the good life? There appears to be an indefensible asymmetry in the way political liberalism treats disagreements about justice and disagreements about the good life. This is the asymmetry objection to political liberalism. The (...)
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  81. D. M. Rasmussen (2009). Political Liberalism and the Good Life: Fred Dallmayr, In Search of the Good Life: A Pedagogy for Troubled Times (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 2007). Philosophy and Social Criticism 35 (9):1119-1125.
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  82. John Rawls (1995). Political Liberalism: Reply to Habermas. Journal of Philosophy 92 (3):132-180.
  83. David A. Reidy (2000). Rawls's Wide View of Public Reason: Not Wide Enough. Res Publica 6 (1).
    What sorts of reasons are i) required and ii) morally acceptable when citizens in a pluralist liberal democracy undertake to resolve pressing political issues? This paper presents and then critically examines John Rawls''s answer to this question: his so called wide-view of public reason. Rawls''s view requires that the content of liberal public reason prove rich enough to yield a reasoned and determinate resolution for most if not all fundamental political issues. I argue that the content of liberal public reason (...)
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  84. Brian Ribeiro (2009). Montaigne on Witches and the Authority of Religion in the Public Sphere. Philosophy and Literature 33 (2):pp. 235-251.
    While contemporary readers may find what appear to be appealing streaks of liberalism in Montaigne's 'Essays', I argue that a more careful analysis suggests that Montaigne's overall stance is quietistic and conservative. To help support this claim I offer a close reading of 'Essays' III.11 ("Of Cripples"), where Montaigne offers his famous critique of the witch trials of early modern Europe. Once Montaigne's objections to the witch trials are properly understood, we see that Montaigne did not seriously or consistently dispute (...)
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  85. Jon Rubin (2009). Political Liberalism and Values-Based Practice: Processes Above Outcomes or Rediscovering the Priority of the Right Over the Good. Philosophy, Psychiatry, and Psychology 15 (2):117-123.
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  86. Kory Schaff (2001). Kant, Political Liberalism, and the Ethics of Same-Sex Relations. Journal of Social Philosophy 32 (3):446–462.
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  87. Samuel Scheffler (1994). The Appeal of Political Liberalism. Ethics 105 (1):4-22.
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  88. Thomas Schmidt (1999). Religious Pluralism and Democratic Society: Political Liberalism and the Reasonableness of Religious Beliefs. Philosophy and Social Criticism 25 (4):43-56.
    Critics of John Rawls' conception of a reasonable pluralism have raised the question of whether it is justified to demand that religious individuals should 'bracket' their essential, identity-constituting convictions when they enter a political discourse. I will argue that the criterion for religious beliefs of being justified as grounds for political decisions should be their ability of being 'translatable' in secular reasons for the very same decisions. This translation would demand 'epistemic abstinence' from religious believers only on the basis of (...)
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  89. Micah Schwartzman (2004). The Completeness of Public Reason. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 3 (2):191-220.
    A common objection to the idea of public reason is that it cannot resolve fundamental political issues because it excludes too many moral considerations from the political domain. Following an important but often overlooked distinction drawn by Gerald Gaus, there are two ways to understand this objection. First, public reason is often said to be inconclusive because it fails to generate agreement on fundamental political issues. Second, and more radically, some critics have claimed that public reason is indeterminate because it (...)
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  90. Jonathan Seglow (2003). Neutrality and Equal Respect: On Charles Larmore's Theory of Political Liberalism. Journal of Value Inquiry 37 (1).
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  91. David Shaw (2011). Justice and the Fetus: Rawls, Children and Abortion. Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 20 (1):93-101.
    In a footnote to the first edition of Political Liberalism, John Rawls introduced an example of how public reason could deal with controversial issues. He intended this example to show that his system of political liberalism could deal with such problems by considering only political values, without the introduction of comprehensive moral doctrines. Unfortunately, Rawls chose “the troubled question of abortion” as the issue that would illustrate this. In the case of abortion, Rawls argued, “the equality of women as equal (...)
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  92. Guillaume Sibertin-Blanc (2009). Politicising Deleuzian Thought, or, Minority's Position Within Marxism. Deleuze Studies 3 (suppl):119-137.
    This text provides an analysis of the Deleuzian theory of minorities. Its hypothesis is that this theory produces a double effect of interpellation: upon a materialistic reading of the philosophy of Deleuze, and upon the theoretical and political heritage of Marxism. Concerning the first aspect, the thesis of an actual multiplication of ‘becomings-minoritarian’ reopening ‘the question of the becoming-revolutionary of people, at every level, in every place’, has to be referred to the Deleuzo-Guattarian analysis of the conjuncture – namely, to (...)
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  93. Ben Spiecker & Jan Steutel (1995). Political Liberalism, Civic Education and the Dutch Government. Journal of Moral Education 24 (4):383-394.
    Abstract Recently two members of the Dutch government, the Minister of Justice and the Minister of Education and Science, have stressed publicly the importance of ?the transmission of norms and values?. In this paper their public statements are evaluated from the perspective of a liberal conception of civic education. Such an assessment seems to be fair, since both people are, in their public role as ministers, key representatives of a liberal constitutional state. First, a brief analysis of the concept of (...)
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  94. J. Steutel & B. Spiecker (1999). Family Education, State Intervention and Political Liberalism. Journal of Philosophy of Education 33 (3):371–386.
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  95. B. Stiltner (2006). Book Review: The Politics of Human Frailty: A Theological Defence of Political Liberalism. Studies in Christian Ethics 19 (2):247-251.
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  96. Robert B. Talisse, Social Epistemic Liberalism.
    The author builds upon recent work by Allen Buchanan and develops a comprehensive version of liberalism based in a partially comprehensive social epistemic doctrine. The author then argues that this version of liberalism is sufficiently accommodating of the fact of reasonable pluralism. The conclusion is that the founding premise of political liberalism admits of a counterexample; there is a version of comprehensive liberalism that is sufficiently pluralistic.
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  97. Robert B. Talisse (2008). Toward a Social Epistemic Comprehensive Liberalism. Episteme 5 (1):pp. 106-128.
    For well over a decade, much of liberal political theory has accepted the founding premise of Rawls's political liberalism, according to which the fact of reasonable pluralism renders comprehensive versions of liberalism incoherent. However, the founding premise presumes that all comprehensive doctrines are moral doctrines. In this essay, the author builds upon recent work by Allen Buchanan and develops a comprehensive version of liberalism based in a partially comprehensive social epistemic doctrine. The author then argues that this version of liberalism (...)
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  98. Alan Thomas, Liberal Republicanism and the Role of Civil Society.
    The political liberalism of Rawls and Larmore is presented as uniquely able to solve the problems of modern political theory. In the face of a plurality of reasonable comprehensive conceptions of the good, a legitimate liberal state can legislate solely on the basis of a modular conception of justice affirmed from within each reasonable conception. However, it is argued that this view, while restrictive, has to permit the promotion of its own pre-conditions. This demanding duty of civic restraint requires citizens (...)
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  99. John Tomasi (2011). Liberal Theocracy and the Justificatory Dance. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 14 (4):517-520.
    Lucas Swaine?s liberalism of conscience is at risk of failing to respect justificatory requirements of political liberalism. His theory ought to be further distinguished from the views of John Locke and John Rawls, respectively, and should be extended to engage extreme secularists as well as theocrats.
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  100. André van De Putte (1995). Rawls' Political Liberalism. Ethical Perspectives 2 (3):107-129.
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