Political Liberalism Edited by Shaun Young (York University, University of Toronto at Scarborough)

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  • Richard Arneson, Rawls Versus Utilitarianism in the Light of Political Liberalism.
    The critique of utilitarianism forms a crucial subplot in the complex analysis of social justice that John Rawls develops in his first book, A Theory of Justice.1 The weaknesses of utilitarianism indicate the need for an alternative theory, and at many stages of the argument the test for the adequacy of the new theory that Rawls elaborates is whether it can be demonstrated to be superior to the utilitarian rival. The account of social justice shifts in the transition to Rawls’s (...)
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  • Donald Beggs (1999). Rawls's Political Postmodernism. Continental Philosophy Review 32 (2).
    John Rawls has recently shifted to a "freestanding" or "political" liberalism from his earlier "comprehensive" and "moral" liberalism. I argue that this move is based on several key features that make Rawlsian liberal pluralism indelibly postmodern. Two of the more obvious features are the denial of foundationalism and the rejection of a truth status for public-sphere justifications of the basic political structure. In conclusion, I suggest that a late-modern postliberalism is a viable alternative.
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  • Derek R. Bell (2004). Creating Green Citizens? Political Liberalism and Environmental Education. Journal of Philosophy of Education 38 (1):37–54.
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  • James Boettcher (2004). What is Reasonableness? Philosophy and Social Criticism 30:597-621.
    The concept of reasonableness is essential to John Rawls’s political liberalism, and especially to its main ideas of public reason and liberal legitimacy. Yet the somewhat ambiguous account of reasonableness in Political Liberalism has led to concerns that the Rawlsian distinction between the reasonable and the unreasonable is arbitrary and ultimately indefensible. This paper attempts to advance a more convincing interpretation of reasonableness. I argue that the reasonable applies first to citizens, who then play an important role in determining which (...)
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  • James Bohman (1995). Public Reason and Cultural Pluralism: Political Liberalism and the Problem of Moral Conflict. Political Theory 23 (2):253-279.
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  • Allen Buchanan (2004). Political Liberalism and Social Epistemology. Philosophy and Public Affairs 32 (2):95–130.
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  • Richard M. Buck (2004). Shaun P. Young, Beyond Rawls: An Analysis of the Concept of Political Liberalism. Lanham, Maryland: University Press of America, 2002, 207 Pp. ISBN 0-7618-2241-0, $36.00 (Pb). Journal of Value Inquiry 38 (3).
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  • Alan Carter (2006). Political Liberalism and Political Compliance: Part 2 of the Problem of Political Compliance in Rawls's Theories of Justice. Journal of Moral Philosophy 3 (2).
    Three interlocking features appear to underpin Rawls’s justification of political compliance within the context of political liberalism: namely, a specific territory; a specific society; and a specific conception of what it is to be reasonable. When any one feature is subject to critical examination, while presupposing that the other two are acceptable, Rawls’s argument for political compliance may seem persuasive. But when all three features are critically examined together, his justification of political compliance within political liberalism can be seen to (...)
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  • Clare Chambers, Political Liberalism, Autonomy and Gender Equality.
    This paper considers the tension between political liberalism and gender equality in the light of social construction and multiculturalism. The tension is exemplified by the work of Martha Nussbaum, who tries to reconcile a belief in the universality of certain liberal values such as gender equality with a political liberal tolerance for cultural practices that violate gender equality. The paper distinguishes between first- and second-order conceptions of autonomy, and shows that political liberals mistakenly prioritise second-order autonomy. This prioritisation leads political (...)
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  • Alan Dagovitz (2004). When Choice Does Not Matter: Political Liberalism, Religion and the Faith School Debate. Journal of Philosophy of Education 38 (2):165–180.
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  • Craig Duncan, If God's Not a Liberal, Why Should I Be?
    In the pages of philosophy journals debate rages these days between "political" and "comprehensive liberals," a debate inaugurated by John Rawls’s seminal 1985 paper entitled "Justice as Fairness: Political not Metaphysical," from which the above quotation is drawn. As the quotation suggests, a political liberal is someone who believes that liberal justice should be defined and defended in terms that are independent of "comprehensive" philosophical and religious doctrines, that is, independent of doctrines that purport to describe, in some comprehensive way, (...)
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  • David Dyzenhaus (1996). Liberalism After the Fall: Schmitt, Rawls and the Problem of Justification. Philosophy and Social Criticism 22 (3).
    Carl Schmitt's critique of liberalism portrays liberalism as a supple political ideology, one which moves constantly between the horns of several connected dilemmas. In particular, liberalism cannot decide whether it is based on substantive political values or is neutral or substanceless. John Rawls's 'political liberalism' is argued to exemplify-and to fall prey to-Schmitt's critique. Rawls tries to find a shallow justification for liberalism, one which claims no truth for itself and is thus neutral between many different ideologies. But his justification, (...)
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  • Kyla Ebels-Duggan (2010). The Beginning of Community: Politics in the Face of Disagreement. Philosophical Quarterly 60 (238):50-71.
    Rawls' requirement that citizens of liberal democracies support only policies which they believe can be justified in 'public reason' depends on a certain ideal for the relationships between citizens. This is a valuable ideal, and thus citizens have reasons to try to achieve it. But it is not always possible to find the common ground that we would need in order to do so, and thus we should reject Rawls' strong claim that we have an obligation to defend our views (...)
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  • David Estlund (1998). The Insularity of the Reasonable: Why Political Liberalism Must Admit the Truth. Ethics 108 (2):252-275.
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  • David Estlund (1996). The Survival of Egalitarian Justice in John Rawls's Political Liberalism. Journal of Political Philosophy 4 (1):68–78.
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  • Colin Farrelly, Public Reason, Neutrality and Civic Virtues.
    In this paper I argue that political liberalism is not the “minimalist liberalism” characterised by Michael Sandel and that it does not support the vision of public life characteristic of the procedural republic. I defend this claim by developing two points. The first concerns Rawls’s account of public reason. Drawing from examples in Canadian free speech jurisprudence I show how restrictions on commercial advertising, obscenity and hate propaganda can be justified by political values. Secondly, political liberalism also attends to the (...)
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  • Gerald Gaus, State Neutrality and Controversial Values in on Liberty.
    In an important essay Charles Larmore tells us that Kant and Mill sought to justify the principle of political neutrality by appealing to ideals of autonomy and individuality. By remaining neutral with regard to controversial views of the good life, constitutional principles will express, according to them, what ought to be of supreme value throughout the whole of our life.1 On Larmore’s influential reading, Mill defended what we might call first-level neutrality: Millian principles determining justified legal (and, we might add, (...)
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  • Gerald F. Gaus (1999). Reasonable Pluralism and the Domain of the Political: How the Weaknesses of John Rawls's Political Liberalism Can Be Overcome by a Justificatory Liberalism. Inquiry 42 (2):259 – 284.
    Under free institutions the exercise of human reason leads to a plurality of reasonable, yet irreconcilable doctrines. Rawls's political liberalism is intended as a response to this fundamental feature of modern democratic life. Justifying coercive political power by appeal to any one (or sample) of these doctrines is, Rawls believes, oppressive and illiberal. If we are to achieve unity without oppression, he tells us, we must all affirm a public political conception that is supported by these diverse reasonable doctrines. The (...)
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  • Jurgen Habermas (1995). Reconciliation Through the Public Use of Reason: Remarks on John Rawls's Political Liberalism. Journal of Philosophy 92 (3):109-131.
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  • Joseph Heath, Political Egalitarianism.
    The term “political” egalitarianism is used here, not to refer to equality within the political sphere, but rather in John Rawls’s sense, to refer to a conception of egalitarian distributive justice that is capable of serving as the object of an overlapping consensus in a pluralistic society.1 Thus “political” egalitarianism is political in the same way that Rawls’s “political” liberalism is political. The central task when it comes to developing such a conception of equality is to determine what constraints a (...)
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  • David Ingram (2003). Between Political Liberalism and Postnational Cosmopolitanism: Toward an Alternative Theory of Human Rights. Political Theory 31 (3):359-391.
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  • Aaron James, Political Constructivism: Foundations and Novel Applications.
    What is “political constructivism”? And to what extent is it of general use to political philosophy? My aim is to suggest that we can extract answers to these questions from John Rawls’s most clearly constructivist work, “Kantian Constructivism in Moral Theory.” In particular, we can formulate political constructivism as a general approach to political philosophy which is free from at least two limitations that Rawls himself might otherwise seem to place on its potential scope. The first is the special “political” (...)
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  • Alexander Kaufman (2006). Rawls's Practical Conception of Justice: Opinion, Tradition and Objectivity in Political Liberalism. Journal of Moral Philosophy 3 (1).
    In Political Liberalism, Rawls emphasizes the practical character and aims of his conception of justice. Justice as fairness is to provide the basis of a reasoned, informed and willing political agreement by locating grounds for consensus in the fundamental ideas and values of the political culture. Critics urge, however, that such a politically liberal conception of justice will be designed merely to ensure the stability of political institutions by appealing to the currently-held opinions of actual citizens. In order to evaluate (...)
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  • Larry Krasnoff (1998). Consensus, Stability, and Normativity in Rawl's Political Liberalism. Journal of Philosophy 95 (6):269-292.
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  • Charles Larmore (1999). The Moral Basis of Political Liberalism. Journal of Philosophy 96 (12):599-625.
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  • Charles Larmore (1990). Political Liberalism. Political Theory 18 (3):339-360.
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  • Andrew F. March (2007). Reading Tariq Ramadan: Political Liberalism, Islam, and "Overlapping Consensus". Ethics and International Affairs 21 (4):399–413.
    In this paper I discuss the controversy over the career and thought of Tariq Ramadan. I offer an account of what Western liberals ought to hope for from the thought of such a figure and then show, pace Ramadan's critiques, that his views on European citizenship and social cooperation are largely "reasonable" from the standpoint of political liberalism. I also situate Ramadan's views in the context of Islamic law and contemporary Islamist thought on life in the West.
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  • S. Mulhall (1998). Political Liberalism and Civic Education: The Liberal State and its Future Citizens. Journal of Philosophy of Education 32 (2):161–176.
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  • Blain Neufeld (2005). Civic Respect, Political Liberalism, and Non-Liberal Societies. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 4 (3).
    One prominent criticism of John Rawls’s The Law of Peoples is that it treats certain non-liberal societies, what Rawls calls ‘decent hierarchical societies’, as equal participants in a just international system. Rawls claims that these non-liberal societies should be respected as equals by liberal democratic societies, even though they do not grant their citizens the basic rights of democratic citizenship. This is presented by Rawls as a consequence of liberalism’s commitment to the principle of toleration. A number of critics have (...)
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  • Onora O'Neill (1997). Political Liberalism and Public Reason: A Critical Notice of John Rawls, Political Liberalism. Philosophical Review 106 (3):411-428.
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  • Claus Offe (2001). Political Liberalism, Group Rights, and the Politics of Fear and Trust. Studies in East European Thought 53 (3).
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  • Susan Moller Okin (1994). Political Liberalism, Justice, and Gender. Ethics 105 (1):23-43.
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  • Marianna Papastephanou (2004). The Implicit Assumptions of Dividing a Cake: Political or Comprehensive? Human Studies 27 (3).
    Rawls''s recent modification of his theory of justice claims that political liberalism is free-standing and falls under the category of the political. It works entirely within that domain and does not rely on anything outside it In this article I pursue the metatheoretical goal of obtaining insight into the anthropological assumptions that have remained so far unacknowledged by Rawls and critics alike. My argument is that political liberalism has a dependence on comprehensive liberalism and its conception of a self-serving subjectivity (...)
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  • Moses L. Pava (1998). Religious Business Ethics and Political Liberalism: An Integrative Approach. Journal of Business Ethics 17 (15).
    Increasingly many business practitioners and academics are turning to religious sources as a way of approaching and answering difficult questions related to business ethics. There now exists a relatively large literature which attempts to integrate business decisions and religious values. The integration, however, is not without difficulties. For many, religious ethics provides the basis and the ultimate authority for a morally meaningful life. Yet, at the same time, in certain contexts, it is often inappropriate to rely and to publicly justify (...)
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  • Jonathan Quong (2007). Political Liberalism Without Scepticism. Ratio 20 (3):320–340.
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  • Jonathan Quong (2005). Disagreement, Asymmetry, and Liberal Legitimacy. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 4 (3).
    Reasonable people disagree deeply about the nature of the good life. But reasonable people also disagree fundamentally about principles of justice. If this is true, then why does political liberalism permit the state to act on reasons of justice, but not for reasons grounded in conceptions of the good life? There appears to be an indefensible asymmetry in the way political liberalism treats disagreements about justice and disagreements about the good life. This is the asymmetry objection to political liberalism. The (...)
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  • John Rawls (1995). Political Liberalism: Reply to Habermas. Journal of Philosophy 92 (3):132-180.
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  • David A. Reidy (2000). Rawls's Wide View of Public Reason: Not Wide Enough. Res Publica 6 (1).
    What sorts of reasons are i) required and ii) morally acceptable when citizens in a pluralist liberal democracy undertake to resolve pressing political issues? This paper presents and then critically examines John Rawls''s answer to this question: his so called wide-view of public reason. Rawls''s view requires that the content of liberal public reason prove rich enough to yield a reasoned and determinate resolution for most if not all fundamental political issues. I argue that the content of liberal public reason (...)
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  • Kory Schaff (2001). Kant, Political Liberalism, and the Ethics of Same-Sex Relations. Journal of Social Philosophy 32 (3):446–462.
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  • Samuel Scheffler (1994). The Appeal of Political Liberalism. Ethics 105 (1):4-22.
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  • Thomas Schmidt (1999). Religious Pluralism and Democratic Society: Political Liberalism and the Reasonableness of Religious Beliefs. Philosophy and Social Criticism 25 (4).
    Critics of John Rawls' conception of a reasonable pluralism have raised the question of whether it is justified to demand that religious individuals should 'bracket' their essential, identity-constituting convictions when they enter a political discourse. I will argue that the criterion for religious beliefs of being justified as grounds for political decisions should be their ability of being 'translatable' in secular reasons for the very same decisions. This translation would demand 'epistemic abstinence' from religious believers only on the basis of (...)
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  • Micah Schwartzman (2004). The Completeness of Public Reason. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 3 (2).
    A common objection to the idea of public reason is that it cannot resolve fundamental political issues because it excludes too many moral considerations from the political domain. Following an important but often overlooked distinction drawn by Gerald Gaus, there are two ways to understand this objection. First, public reason is often said to be inconclusive because it fails to generate agreement on fundamental political issues. Second, and more radically, some critics have claimed that public reason is indeterminate because it (...)
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  • Jonathan Seglow (2003). Neutrality and Equal Respect: On Charles Larmore's Theory of Political Liberalism. Journal of Value Inquiry 37 (1).
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  • J. Steutel & B. Spiecker (1999). Family Education, State Intervention and Political Liberalism. Journal of Philosophy of Education 33 (3):371–386.
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  • Robert B. Talisse, Social Epistemic Liberalism.
    The author builds upon recent work by Allen Buchanan and develops a comprehensive version of liberalism based in a partially comprehensive social epistemic doctrine. The author then argues that this version of liberalism is sufficiently accommodating of the fact of reasonable pluralism. The conclusion is that the founding premise of political liberalism admits of a counterexample; there is a version of comprehensive liberalism that is sufficiently pluralistic.
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  • Robert B. Talisse (2008). Toward a Social Epistemic Comprehensive Liberalism. Episteme 5 (1):pp. 106-128.
    For well over a decade, much of liberal political theory has accepted the founding premise of Rawls’s political liberalism, according to which the fact of reasonable pluralism renders comprehensive versions of liberalism incoherent. However, the founding premise presumes that all comprehensive doctrines are moral doctrines. In this essay, the author builds upon recent work by Allen Buchanan and develops a comprehensive version of liberalism based in a partially comprehensive social epistemic doctrine. The author then argues that this version of liberalism (...)
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  • Alan Thomas, Liberal Republicanism and the Role of Civil Society.
    The political liberalism of Rawls and Larmore is presented as uniquely able to solve the problems of modern political theory. In the face of a plurality of reasonable comprehensive conceptions of the good, a legitimate liberal state can legislate solely on the basis of a modular conception of justice affirmed from within each reasonable conception. However, it is argued that this view, while restrictive, has to permit the promotion of its own pre-conditions. This demanding duty of civic restraint requires citizens (...)
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  • Steven Wall (2003). Just Savings and the Difference Principle. Philosophical Studies 116 (1).
    The issue of just savings between generations presents an important,and for the most part unappreciated, problem for Rawls's theory ofdistributive justice. This paper argues that the just savingsprinciple, as Rawls formulates it in his recent work, standsin tension with the difference principle. When thought through,the just savings principle – and more precisely the foundationon which it rests – give us reason to reject the differenceprinciple in favor of a less egalitarian principle ofdistributive justice.
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  • Leif Wenar (1995). Political Liberalism: An Internal Critique. Ethics 106 (1):32-62.
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  • Andrew Williams (2000). The Alleged Incompleteness of Public Reason. Res Publica 6 (2).
    According to John Rawls's ideal of liberal public reason, comprehensive moral, religious and philosophical doctrines should play no more than an auxiliary or marginal role in the political life of constitutional democracies. David Reidy has recently claimed that since liberal public reason is incomplete, comprehensive doctrines, and non-public reasons, must play a wider role than Rawls admits. In response, I argue that Reidy's arguments do not establish that liberal public reason is incomplete. Furthermore, even if the substantive values embodied in (...)
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