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  1. John Arthur & William Shaw (eds.) (1979). Justice and Economic Distribution (2nd). Prentice-Hall.
  2. Adrian Bardon (2000). From Nozick to Welfare Rights: Self‐Ownership, Property, and Moral Desert. Critical Review 14 (4):481-501.
    Abstract The Kantian moral foundations of Nozickian libertarianism suggest that the claim that self?ownership grounds only negative rights to property should be rejected. The moral foundations of Nozick's libertarianism better support basing property rights on moral desert. It is neither incoherent nor implausible to say that need can be a basis for desert. By implication, the libertarian contention that persons ought to be respected as persons living self?shaping lives is inconsistent with the libertarian refusal to accept that claims of need (...)
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  3. Brian Barry (1977). On Jerry Millet, "Communication". Political Theory 5 (1):113-116.
  4. R. Bass (2006). Ayn Rand, by Tibor Machan. [REVIEW] Journal of Libertarian Studies 20 (2):95-101.
    Tibor Machan's _Ayn Rand_ aims to provide an introduction to Ayn Rand’s thought for “a broader readership who may have heard of Rand but not examined her ideas in detail”. . . . He portrays himself as an admirer, but not as a true believer who supposes that Rand can think no wrong. In addition to sympathetically discussing her views, he tries also to respectfully assess criticisms of those views. His position is not one of unqualified endorsement, but rather one (...)
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  5. Walter Block (2002). The Libertarian Minimal State?: A Critique of the Views of Nozick, Levin, and Rand. Journal of Ayn Rand Studies 4 (1):141 - 160.
    Walter Block discusses publications by Robert Nozick, the unjustifiably ignored Michael Levin, and Ayn Rand, each of whom has criticized anarcho-capitalism, the system that takes laissez-faire capitalism to its logical extension: here, all goods and services, particularly including courts, police, and armies would be provided by competing private firms and individuals. This paper considers their arguments (for Nozick, that anarcho-capitalism would naturally evolve into minarchism or limited government free enterprise without violating the libertarian nonaggression axiom; for Levin, that the philosophy (...)
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  6. Jason Brennan (2013). Is Market Society Intrinsically Repugnant? Journal of Business Ethics 112 (2):271-281.
    In Why Not Socialism ?, G. A. Cohen argues that market society and capitalism are intrinsically repugnant. He asks us to imagine an ideal camping trip, which becomes increasing repugnant as it shifts from living by socialist to capitalist principles. In this paper, I expose the limits of this style of argument by making a parallel argument, which shows how an ideal anarchist camping trip becomes increasingly repugnant as the campsite turns from anarchism to democracy. When we see why this (...)
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  7. David L. Brooks (1994). The Problems of Postlibertarianism: Reply to Friedman. Critical Review 8 (1):85-94.
    Jeffrey Friedman presents positive libertarianism as consisting of an objective morality, autonomy, and moral totalism. He then defines postlibertarianism as a consequentialist positive libertarianism. However, Friedman's claim that the choice of moral axioms is unjustifiable, and an equivocation in his use of the term ?moral,? makes his presentation of positive libertarianism incoherent. Nor is Friedman successful in grafting consequentialism onto positive libertarianism. The autonomy of positive libertarianism renders consequentialism superfluous, and the ends of the two systems conflict, for positive libertarianism (...)
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  8. Gene Callahan (2013). Liberty Versus Libertarianism. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 12 (1):48-67.
    This paper aims to persuade its reader that libertarianism, at least in several of its varieties, is a species of the genus Michael Oakeshott referred to as ‘rationalism in politics’. I hope to demonstrate, employing the work of Oakeshott, as well as Aristotle and Onora O’Neill, how many libertarian theorists, who generally have a sincere and admirable commitment to personal liberty, have been led astray by the rationalist promise that we might be able to approach deductive certainty concerning the 'correctness' (...)
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  9. Francisco Javier Carod-Artal, Pablo Martinez-Martin & Antonio Pedro Vargas (forthcoming). Future Generations, Locke's Proviso and Libertarian Justice. Journal of Applied Philosophy.
  10. Richard Comuelle (1992). The Power and Poverty of Libertarian Thought. Critical Review 6 (1):1-10.
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  11. Kevin Currie-Knight, 24. “Review of Narveson and Sterba's Are Liberty and Equality Compatible?“. [REVIEW]
    This article reviews Jan Narveson and James Sterba’s co-authored book Are Liberty and Equality Compatible?. Sterba argues that negative liberty requires that the poor have a right not to be interfered with in taking from the rich to fulfill their basic needs. Narveson argues that negative liberty means that people agree [...].
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  12. Alfred G. Cuzan, Do We Ever Really Get Out of Anarchy?
    A major point of dispute among libertarian theorists and thinkers today as always revolves around the age—old question of whether man can live in total anarchy or whether the minimal state is absolutely necessary for the maximization of freedom. Lost in this dispute is the question of whether man is capable of getting out of anarchy at all. Can we really abolish anarchy and set up a Government in its place? Most people, regardless of their ideological preferences, simply assume that (...)
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  13. Steve Daskal (2010). Libertarianism Left and Right, the Lockean Proviso, and the Reformed Welfare State. Social Theory and Practice 36 (1):21-43.
    This paper explores the implications of libertarianism for welfare policy. There are two central arguments. First, the paper argues that if one adopts a libertarian framework, it makes most sense to be a Lockean right-libertarian. Second, the paper argues that this form of libertarianism leads to the endorsement of a fairly extensive set of redistributive welfare programs. Specifically, the paper argues that Lockean right-libertarians are committed to endorsing welfare programs under which the receipt of benefits is conditional on meeting a (...)
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  14. M. Eabrasu (2013). Rothbard's and Hoppe's Justifications of Libertarianism: A Critique. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 12 (3):288-307.
    Murray N. Rothbard and Hans-Hermann Hoppe build their libertarian theory of justice on two axioms concerning self-ownership and homesteading, which are bolstered by two key arguments: reductio ad absurdum and performative contradiction. Each of these arguments is designed to demonstrate that libertarianism is the only theory of justice that can be justified. If either of these arguments were valid, it would prove the libertarian claim that the state is an unjust political arrangement. Giving due weight to the importance of the (...)
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  15. Richard A. Epstein (2005). One Step Beyond Nozick's Minimal State: The Role of Forced Exchanges in Political Theory. Social Philosophy and Policy 22 (1):286-313.
    In Anarchy, State, and Utopia, Robert Nozick seeks to demonstrate that principles of justice in acquisition and transfer can be applied to justify the minimal state, and no state greater than the minimal state. That approach fails to acknowledge the critical role that forced exchanges play in overcoming a range of public goods and coordination problems. These ends are accomplished by taking property for which the owner is compensated in cash or in kind in an amount that leaves him better (...)
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  16. Am Feallsanach (1998). Locke and Libertarian Property Rights: Reply to Weinberg. Critical Review 12 (3):319-323.
    Abstract In his ?Freedom, Self?Ownership, and Libertarian Philosophical Diaspora, ?Justin Weinberg attempts to show, by using arguments from G.A. Cohen, that philosophical defenses of libertarian natural rights are doomed to failure, because they are either circular (by basing libertarianism on the value of ?freedom") or invalid (by basing libertarianism on a self?ownership premise that actually leads to some form of egalitarianism). In fact, however, a natural?rights libertarianism based on the self?ownership premise is not inconsistent if it holds that the (...)
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  17. A. Ferguson, Sex War - the Debate Between Radical and Libertarian Feminists.
  18. Danny Frederick (2014). Review Essay: Mark D. Friedman, 'Nozick’s Libertarian Project: An Elaboration and Defense'. [REVIEW] Reason Papers 36 (1):132-42.
    Review of Mark Friedman's book 'Nozick’s Libertarian Project,' which is a defence of Robert Nozick's 'Anarchy, State, and Utopia.'.
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  19. Danny Frederick (2013). Hoppe’s Derivation of Self-Ownership From Argumentation: Analysis and Critique. Reason Papers 35 (1):92-106.
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe contends that the fact that a person has the capacity to argue entails that she has the moral right of exclusive control over her own body. Critics of Hoppe’s argument do not appear to have pinpointed its flaws. I expose the logical structure of Hoppe’s argument, distinguishing its pragmatic-contradiction and its mutual-recognition components. I provide three counterexamples to show that Hoppe’s mutual-recognition argument is invalid and I argue that the truth that appears to motivate the argument is simply (...)
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  20. Samuel Richard Freeman (2001). Illiberal Libertarians: Why Libertarianism is Not a Liberal View. Philosophy and Public Affairs 30 (2):105–151.
  21. Barbara H. Fried (2005). Left-Libertarianism, Once More: A Rejoinder to Vallentyne, Steiner, and Otsuka. Philosophy and Public Affairs 33 (2):216–222.
  22. Barbara H. Fried (2004). Left-Libertarianism: A Review Essay. Philosophy and Public Affairs 32 (1):66–92.
  23. Jeffrey Friedman (1998). The Libertarian Straddle: Rejoinder to Palmer and Sciabarra. Critical Review 12 (3):359-388.
    Abstract Palmer's defense of libertarianism as consequentialist runs afoul of his own failure to provide any consequentialist reasons for libertarian conclusions, and of his own defense of nonconsequentialist arguments for the intrinsic value of capitalism?cum?negative freedom. As suck, Palmer's article exemplifies the parasitic codependency of consequentialist and nonconsequentialist reasoning in libertarian thought. Sciabarra's defense of Ayn Rand's libertarianism is even more problematic, because in addition to the usual defects of libertarianism, Rand adds a commitment to ethical egoism that contradicts both (...)
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  24. Jeffrey Friedman (1997). What's Wrong with Libertarianism. Critical Review 11 (3):407-467.
    Abstract Libertarian arguments about the empirical benefits of capitalism are, as yet, inadequate to convince anyone who lacks libertarian philosophical convictions. Yet ?philosophical? libertarianism founders on internal contradictions that render it unfit to make libertarians out of anyone who does not have strong consequentialist reasons for libertarian belief. The joint failure of these two approaches to libertarianism explains why they are both present in orthodox libertarianism?they hide each other's weaknesses, thereby perpetuating them. Libertarianism retains significant potential for illuminating the modern (...)
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  25. Jeffrey Friedman (1994). On Libertarian Anti‐Intellectualism: Rejoinder to Shaw and Anderson & Leal. Critical Review 8 (3):483-492.
    Against my claim that free?market environmentalism (FME) cannot solve major environmental problems, my critics deny that such problems exist. Against my contention that FME depends on the democratic policymaking it decries, they retreat from FME to libertarian environmentalism (LE). Against my argument that LE is incoherent, they resort to anti?intellectualism. These responses stem from demonstrable precommitments to libertarian ideology, suggesting that the debate over FME and LE has profound implications, not only for their practitioners, but for all libertarians and many (...)
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  26. Jeffrey Friedman (1992). Postlibertarianism is Not Libertarianism: Rejoinder to Nove. Critical Review 6 (4):605-609.
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  27. Jeffrey Friedman (1992). After Libertarianism: Rejoinder to Narveson, McCloskey, Flew, and Machan. Critical Review 6 (1):113-152.
    Postlibertarianism means abandoning defenses of the intrinsic justice of laissez?faire capitalism, the better to investigate whether the systemic consequences of interfering with capitalism are severe enough to justify laissez?faire. Any sound case for laissez?faire is likely to build on postlibertarian research, for the conviction that laissez?faire is intrinsically just rests upon unsound philosophical assumptions. Conversely, these assumptions, if sound, would make empirical studies of capitalism by libertarian scholars superfluous. Moreover, postmodern approaches to ?libertarianism? perpetuate the same assumptions, in the guise (...)
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  28. Jeffrey Friedman (1991). Postmodernism Vs. Postlibertarianism. Critical Review 5 (2):145-158.
    ?Postmodernism? denotes efforts to replace foundationalist philosophy with contextu?alist, immanentist forms of reason. ?Postlibertarianism? denotes efforts to transcend contemporary minimal statism, questioning both its ?libertarian? moral superstructure and its underlying consequentialist claims and seeking to determine whether the latter can be generalized in a way that displaces the former. Efforts to reach minimal?statist conclusions by postmodern means seem bound to aggravate the problem that plagues contemporary minimal statism: its failure to be true to its consequentialist foundations, reflected in its long?standing (...)
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  29. Joseph S. Fulda (2013). Toward a Thick Libertarianism. Reason Papers 35 (1):193-196.
    Extends the conception of "libertarianism" from the narrow politico-legal sphere to the ethical sphere, by adding two ethical principles which are the logical extension of the politico-legal principle, distinguishing between modesty and humility and providing a definition of the latter, relating the ethical principles to this understanding of humility, and giving two additional (libertarian) grounds for the acceptance of the ethical principles.
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  30. Andrew Gamble (1996). Hayek: The Iron Cage of Liberty. Westview Press.
    Hayek, one of the key thinkers of the twentieth century, has also been much misunderstood. His work has crossed disciplines—economics, philosophy, and political science—as well as national boundaries. He was an early critic of Keynes and became famous in the 1940s for his warnings that the advance of collectivism in Western democracies was the road to serfdom. He was a key figure in the post-war revival of free market liberalism and achieved renewed notoriety and some political influence in the 1970s (...)
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  31. Gerald F. Gaus (2004). Andrew Reeve and Andrew Williams, Eds., Real Libertarianism Assessed: Political Theory After Van Parijs:Real Libertarianism Assessed: Political Theory After Van Parijs. Ethics 114 (4):830-836.
  32. Anca Gheaus (2006). Review of Michael Otsuka Libertarianism Without Inequality. [REVIEW] Imprints. Egalitarian Theoy and Practice 9 (2):141-50.
  33. Allan Gibbard (2011). Narveson on Liberty and Equality. International Journal of Applied Philosophy 25 (2):249-258.
    At issue with Narveson is not the independence of persons, but an extreme form of ownership. Many people could be more independent with ownership of a moderate kind. All Narveson’s arguments depend on presupposing that extreme ownership has a special moral status.
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  34. Pablo Gilabert (2006). Basic Positive Duties of Justice and Narveson's Libertarian Challenge. Southern Journal of Philosophy 44 (2):193-216.
    Are positive duties to help others in need mere informal duties of virtue or can they also be enforceable duties of justice? In this paper I defend the claim that some positive duties (which I call basic positive duties) can be duties of justice against one of the most important prin- cipled objections to it. This is the libertarian challenge, according to which only negative duties to avoid harming others can be duties of justice, whereas positive duties (basic or nonbasic) (...)
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  35. Michael Goldman (1986). Capitalism, Socialism, Objectivism. Philosophy Research Archives 12:143-154.
    When purged of its connection to libertarian forms of capitalism, Ayn Rand’s ethical “egoism” is not an implausible ethical theory. I argue (1) that Rand in fact fails to show the connection between her ethics and the political economy she has championed and (2) that in fact her ethics is at least as compatible with socialism as with capitalism.
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  36. John Hasnas (2003). Reflections on the Minimal State. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 2 (1):115-128.
    This article challenges the traditional argument for the state that holds that because the market is unable to supply the rule-making, adjudicative, and enforcement services that are essential to life in society, the state must, and hence is morally justified. The author argues that the market's inability to supply these basic services proves only that the state must ensure that they are supplied, not that it must supply them itself. This implies that the traditional concept of the minimal state as (...)
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  37. Don Herzog (1990). Gimme That Old‐Time Religion. Critical Review 4 (1-2):74-85.
    THE LIBERTARIAN IDEA by Jan Narveson Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1988.367 pp., $34.95. Libertarianism is an austerely rigorous account of liberalism, but what justifies it? Troubled by the intuitionistic appeals of many libertarians, Jan Narveson attempts to provide foundations for libertarianism by turning to social contract theory. He argues that parties out to advance whatever goals they have, with their current knowledge and motivations, would converge on typically libertarian positions, including a very strong set of private property rights and no (...)
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  38. Dan Hicks (2011). On the Ideal of Autonomous Science. Philosophy of Science 78 (5):1235-1248.
  39. Michael W. Howard (2003). Libertarianism, Worker Ownership, and Wage Slavery: A Critique of Ellerman's Labor Theory of Property. Journal of Social Philosophy 34 (2):169–187.
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  40. Calvin M. Hoy (1984). A Philosophy of Individual Freedom: The Political Thought of F.A. Hayek. Greenwood Press.
  41. Struan Jacobs (1999). Classical and Conservative Liberalism. Tradition and Discovery 26 (1):5-15.
    An extended discussion of Richard Allen’s Beyond Liberalism: The Political Thought of F. A. Hayek & Michael Polanyi in which the book’s prominent themes and arguments are described, and certain inaccuracies and shortcomings noted.
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  42. David Louis Jacobson (1965). The English Libertarian Heritage. Indianapolis, Bobbs-Merrill.
  43. David Johnston (1997). Hayek's Attack on Social Justice. Critical Review 11 (1):81-100.
    Abstract Hayek assailed the idea of social justice by arguing that any effort to realize it would transform society into an oppressive organization, stißing liberty. Hayek's view is marred by two omissions. First, he fails to consider that the goal of social justice, like the goal of wealth generation, might be promoted by strategies of indirection that do not entail oppressive organization. Second, he underestimates the tendency of the market order itself to generate oppressive organization, and consequently sees advantages in (...)
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  44. Roland Kley (1994). Hayek's Social and Political Thought. Oxford University Press.
    Revered by some as the most important twentieth century theorist of free society, Friedrich A. Hayek has been reviled by others as a mere reactionary. Impartial throughout, the author offers a clear exposition and balanced assessment that judges Hayek's theory by its own lights. The author argues that the key to understanding Hayek lies in an appreciation of the proper link between descriptive social science and normative political theory. He probes the idea of a spontaneous order and other notions central (...)
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  45. Isaac Krannick (1999). Essay on Liberalism. International Studies in Philosophy 31 (4):136-137.
  46. Chandran Kukathas (2007). The Liberal Archipelago: A Theory of Diversity and Freedom. OUP Oxford.
    In his major new work Chandran Kukathas offers, for the first time, a book-length treatment of this controversial and influential theory of minority rights. The work is a defence of a form of liberalism and multiculturalism. The general question it tries to answer is: what is the principled basis of a free society marked by cultural diversity and group loyalties? More particularly, it explains whether such a society requires political institutions which recognize minorities; how far it should tolerate such minorities (...)
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  47. Hugh LaFollette (1979). Why Libertarianism is Mistaken. In John Arthur & William Shaw (eds.), Justice and Economic Distribution (2nd). Prentice-Hall.
    Taxing the income of some people to provide goods or services to others, even those with urgent needs, is unjust. It is a violation of the wage earner's rights, a restriction of his freedom. At least that is what the libertarian tells us. I disagree. Not all redistribution of income is unjust; or so I shall argue.
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  48. Ryszard Legutko (1991). Shopping‐Mall Liberalism: Rejoinder to Narveson. Critical Review 5 (1):135-137.
  49. Ryszard Legutko (1990). Society as a Department Store. Critical Review 4 (3):327-343.
    In a departure from traditional Western political theory that is reminiscent of left?wing anarchism, contemporary libertarianism rejects the necessity of making political choices based on a value hierarchy, instead claiming that it is possible for all individuals to pursue their divergent values simultaneously?as long as each respects the equal rights of others to do the same. The caveat, however, hides a conflict of loyalties that would plague a libertarian society: on the one hand are the particular loyalties of one's preferred (...)
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  50. J. C. Lester, 11. “Kymlicka on Libertarianism: A Response.”.
    This essay examines several sections in Will Kymlicka’s Contemporary Political Philosophy: An Introduction (2nd ed.) that are relevant to libertarianism, making and explaining the following criticisms. First, Kymlicka’s “preface” misconstrues political philosophy’s progress, purpose, and its relation to libertarianism. Second, in his “introduction,” his “project” mistakes libertarianism as “right-wing,” justice as [...].
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