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  1. W. Macmahon Ball (1932). The Basis of Political Obedience. Australasian Journal of Philosophy 10 (3):173 – 187.
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  2. Carl Cohen (1972). Autonomy and Government. Journal of Philosophy 64 (20):716.
  3. William A. Edmundson (2013). Because I Said So. Problema: Anuario de Filosofía y Teoría Del Derecho 7:41-61.
    Political authority is the moral power to impose moral duties upon a perhaps unwilling citizenry. David Enoch has proposed that authority be understood as a matter of "robust" duty-giving. This paper argues that Enoch's conditions for attempted robust duty- or reason-giving are, along with his non-normative success condition, implausibly strong. Moreover, Enoch's attempt and normative- success conditions ignore two facts. The first is that success requires that citizens be tolerant of modest errors by the authority, which means that, in conditions (...)
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  4. Danny Frederick, The Consequentialist Explanation of Political Authority: A Critique of Huemer’s Critique.
    How could a state have the moral authority to promulgate and enforce laws that citizens are obliged to obey? That is the problem of political authority. The Consequentialist Explanation of Political Authority contends that great social benefits depend upon there being a state with political authority. In his book, The Problem of Political Authority, Michael Huemer considers different types of explanation of political authority and he rejects them all. I show that the objections he raises to consequentialist accounts are confused (...)
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  5. F. L. McCay (1932). The Basis of Political Obedience. Australasian Journal of Philosophy 10 (4):290 – 298.
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  6. Bjarne Melkevik (2002). Obedience, Law and the Military. Professional Ethics 10 (2/3/4):267-283.
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  7. W. A. Merrylees (1932). What is the Basis of Political Obedience? Australasian Journal of Philosophy 10 (4):268 – 289.
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  8. Davide Morselli & Stefano Passini (2011). New Perspectives on the Study of the Authority Relationship: Integrating Individual and Societal Level Research. Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour 41 (3):291-307.
  9. Jonathan A. Neufeld (forthcoming). Aesthetic Disobedience. Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 73 (2).
    It this paper I explore a concept of artistic transgression that I call aesthetic disobedience. By using the term “aesthetic disobedience,” I mean to draw a parallel with the political concept of civil disobedience. Acts of civil disobedience break some law in order publicly to draw attention to, and recommend the reform of, a conflict between the commitments of the legal system and some shared commitments of a community. Acts of aesthetic disobedience do the same in the artworld: they break (...)
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  10. Massimo Renzo (2011). State Legitimacy and Self-Defence. Law and Philosophy 30 (5):575-601.
  11. Marvin Schiller (1969). On the Logic of Being a Democrat. Philosophy 44 (167):46 - 56.
  12. Titus Stahl (2011). Institutional Power, Collective Acceptance, and Recognition. In Heikki Ikäheimo & Arto Laitinen (eds.), Recognition and Social Ontology. Brill. 349--372.
    The article defines the boundaries of social and institutional power clearly; it argues that all institutional power rests finally on the acceptance of sanctioning authority and thus on mutual recognition.
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  13. Uwe Steinhoff, On Renzo’s Attempt to Ground State Legitimacy in a Right to Self-Defense.
    Massimo Renzo has recently offered a theory of legitimacy that attempts to ground the state’s right to rule on the assumption that people in the state of nature pose an unjust threat to each other and can therefore, in self-defense, be forced to enter the state, that is, to become subject to its authority. I argue that depending on how “unjust threat” is interpreted in Renzo’s self-defense argument for the authority of the state, either his premise that “those who pose (...)
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  14. Justin Tiwald (2008). A Right of Rebellion in the Mengzi? Dao: A Journal of Comparative Philosophy 7 (3):269-282.
    Mengzi believed that tyrannical rulers can be justifiably deposed, and many contemporary scholars see this as grounding a right of popular rebellion. I argue that the text of the Mengzi reveals a more mixed view, and does so in two respects. First, it suggests that the people are sometimes permitted to participate in a rebellion but not permitted to decide for themselves when rebellion is warranted. Second, it gives appropriate moral weight not to the people’s judgments about the justifiability of (...)
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  15. Jiafeng Zhu (2014). Fairness, Political Obligation, and the Justificatory Gap. Journal of Moral Philosophy:1-23.
    The moral principle of fairness or fair play is widely believed to be a solid ground for political obligation, i.e., a general prima facie moral duty to obey the law qua law. In this article, I advance a new and, more importantly, principled objection to fairness theories of political obligation by revealing and defending a justificatory gap between the principle of fairness and political obligation: the duty of fairness on its own is incapable of preempting the citizen‟s liberty to reciprocate (...)
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