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  1. W. Macmahon Ball (1932). The Basis of Political Obedience. Australasian Journal of Philosophy 10 (3):173 – 187.
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  2. Carl Cohen (1972). Autonomy and Government. Journal of Philosophy 64 (20):716.
  3. William A. Edmundson (2013). Because I Said So. Problema: Anuario de Filosofía y Teoría Del Derecho 7:41-61.
    Political authority is the moral power to impose moral duties upon a perhaps unwilling citizenry. David Enoch has proposed that authority be understood as a matter of "robust" duty-giving. This paper argues that Enoch's conditions for attempted robust duty- or reason-giving are, along with his non-normative success condition, implausibly strong. Moreover, Enoch's attempt and normative- success conditions ignore two facts. The first is that success requires that citizens be tolerant of modest errors by the authority, which means that, in conditions (...)
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  4. Danny Frederick (forthcoming). The Consequentialist Explanation of Political Authority: A Critique of Huemer’s Critique. Reason Papers.
    How could a state have the moral authority to promulgate and enforce laws that citizens are thereby obliged to obey? That is the problem of political authority. The Consequentialist Explanation of Political Authority contends that great social benefits depend upon there being a state with political authority. In his book, The Problem of Political Authority, Michael Huemer considers different types of explanation of political authority and he rejects them all. I show that the objections he raises to consequentialist accounts are (...)
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  5. Noriaki Iwasa (2010). Dual Ethics in Romans 13. Journal of Dharma 35 (2):159-169.
    Seemingly Rom 13 demands the people's unconditional submission to the state. Scholars have provided various answers to the problem which arises when the state's policy contradicts God's teachings. Those answers assume that what is morally wrong for the state to order is morally wrong for the people to follow. However, there can be cases where a state's policy is morally wrong while the people's submission to it is morally right. I distinguish between the ethical standards for the state and those (...)
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  6. Odin Kroeger (2010). Zur Kritik des Entzugs als politischer Praxis. Sinnhaft 22:90–103.
    Facing a decline of meta-narratives and the political subjects associated with them, substraction (‘Entzug’) has been proposed as a political strategy that seems more apt to present times. Drawing on Hegel’s ‘Philosophy of Right’ and Benjamin’s ‘Critique of Violence’, this paper argues that substraction too requires a meta-narrative and a political subject if it shall be a viable political strategy.
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  7. F. L. McCay (1932). The Basis of Political Obedience. Australasian Journal of Philosophy 10 (4):290 – 298.
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  8. Bjarne Melkevik (2002). Obedience, Law and the Military. Professional Ethics 10 (2/3/4):267-283.
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  9. W. A. Merrylees (1932). What is the Basis of Political Obedience? Australasian Journal of Philosophy 10 (4):268 – 289.
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  10. Davide Morselli & Stefano Passini (2011). New Perspectives on the Study of the Authority Relationship: Integrating Individual and Societal Level Research. Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour 41 (3):291-307.
    The concept of authority crosses many social sciences, but there is a lack of common taxonomy and definitions on this topic. The aims of this review are: to define the basic characteristics of the authority relationship, reaching a definition suitable for the different domains of social psychology and social sciences; to bridge the gap between individual and societal levels of explanation concerning the authority relationship, by proposing an interpretation within the framework of social representations. The authority relationship can be conceived (...)
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  11. Jonathan A. Neufeld (2015). Aesthetic Disobedience. Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 73 (2):115-125.
    This article explores a concept of artistic transgression I call aesthetic disobedience that runs parallel to the political concept of civil disobedience. Acts of civil disobedience break some law in order to publicly draw attention to and recommend the reform of a conflict between the commitments of a legal system and some shared commitments of a community. Likewise, acts of aesthetic disobedience break some entrenched artworld norm in order to publicly draw attention to and recommend the reform of a conflict (...)
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  12. Joseph D. Osel (2012). Toward Détournement of The New Jim Crow, or, The Strange Career of The New Jim Crow. International Journal of Radical Critique 1 (2).
    This analysis challenges the discourse of "The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness." Drawing on prior research and historical literature it offers an in-depth discussion of the flawed contextual framework and fundamental problems of The New Jim Crow. It establishes that The New Jim Crow paradoxically excludes an analysis of mass incarceration’s most central and defining factors, its most salient, affected and revolutionary voices (especially the voices of African Americans), and shows how the book engages in (...)
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  13. Massimo Renzo (2011). State Legitimacy and Self-Defence. Law and Philosophy 30 (5):575-601.
  14. Marvin Schiller (1969). On the Logic of Being a Democrat. Philosophy 44 (167):46 - 56.
    The central purpose of this paper is to sketch the logic of being a democrat. That is, what is involved in being a democrat will be defined and delineated. I shall proceed by first examining Richard Wollheim's alleged paradox of democratic theory. Wollheim's solution to the paradox will then be shown to be unsatisfactory. Next, the concept of being a democrat will be clarified. The stage will then be set for showing that Wollheim's alleged paradox of democratic theory dissolves upon (...)
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  15. Titus Stahl (2011). Institutional Power, Collective Acceptance, and Recognition. In Heikki Ikäheimo & Arto Laitinen (eds.), Recognition and Social Ontology. Brill 349--372.
    The article defines the boundaries of social and institutional power clearly; it argues that all institutional power rests finally on the acceptance of sanctioning authority and thus on mutual recognition.
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  16. Uwe Steinhoff, On Renzo’s Attempt to Ground State Legitimacy in a Right to Self-Defense.
    Massimo Renzo has recently offered a theory of legitimacy that attempts to ground the state’s right to rule on the assumption that people in the state of nature pose an unjust threat to each other and can therefore, in self-defense, be forced to enter the state, that is, to become subject to its authority. I argue that depending on how “unjust threat” is interpreted in Renzo’s self-defense argument for the authority of the state, either his premise that “those who pose (...)
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  17. Justin Tiwald (2008). A Right of Rebellion in the Mengzi? Dao: A Journal of Comparative Philosophy 7 (3):269-282.
    Mengzi believed that tyrannical rulers can be justifiably deposed, and many contemporary scholars see this as grounding a right of popular rebellion. I argue that the text of the Mengzi reveals a more mixed view, and does so in two respects. First, it suggests that the people are sometimes permitted to participate in a rebellion but not permitted to decide for themselves when rebellion is warranted. Second, it gives appropriate moral weight not to the people’s judgments about the justifiability of (...)
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  18. Jiafeng Zhu (2014). Fairness, Political Obligation, and the Justificatory Gap. Journal of Moral Philosophy (4):1-23.
    The moral principle of fairness or fair play is widely believed to be a solid ground for political obligation, i.e., a general prima facie moral duty to obey the law qua law. In this article, I advance a new and, more importantly, principled objection to fairness theories of political obligation by revealing and defending a justificatory gap between the principle of fairness and political obligation: the duty of fairness on its own is incapable of preempting the citizen‟s liberty to reciprocate (...)
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