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  1. Kristoffer Ahlstrom-Vij (2012). Review of Frank Lovett, A General Theory of Domination and Justice (Oxford UP, 2010). [REVIEW] Philosophical Quarterly 62 (246):190-192.
    The review argues that Lovett’s theory of domination suffers from a problem. Lovett is aware of the problem and bites a fairly large bullet in response to it. What he does not seem aware of is that the problem can be avoided by opting for an account of welfare that he unfortunately ignores, despite the fact that it would serve his purposes well.
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  2. Amy Allen (1998). Rethinking Power. Hypatia 13 (1):21 - 40.
    This paper argues that feminists have yet to develop a satisfactory account of power. Existing feminist accounts of power tend to have a one-sided emphasis either on power as domination or on power as empowerment. This conceptual one-sided-ness must be overcome if feminists are to develop an account complex enough to illuminate women's diverse experiences with power. Such an account is sketched here.
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  3. Pedro Roche Arnas (2007). Church and Power in De Ecclesiastica Potestate of Aegidius Romanus. Anales Del Seminario de Historia de la Filosofía 24:141-153.
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  4. Robert Ayson (2012). Hedley Bull and the Accommodation of Power. Palgrave Macmillan.
    Offering a comprehensive account of the work of Hedley Bull, Ayson analyses the breadth of Bull's work as a Foreign Office official for Harold Wilson's government, the complexity of his views, including Bull's unpublished papers, and ...
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  5. Isidore Balla Oyié (2007). L'être Vrai du Pouvoir Politique: Jalons Et Présupposés Philosophiques. Presses de L'UCAC.
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  6. Eduard Bárány (1997). Moc a Právo. Monograph Collection (Matt - Pseudo).
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  7. Giorgio Barberis (2007). Louis de Bonald: Potere E Ordine Tra Sovversione E Provvidenza. Morcelliana.
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  8. Brian Barry (2003). Capitalists Rule. Ok? A Commentary on Keith Dowding. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 2 (3):323-341.
    In response to criticisms made by Keith Dowding (hereafter KD) of `Capitalists Rule OK', this article argues (1) that there is a genuine structural conflict of interest between consumers and producers, voters and politicians, and capitalists and governments, and (2) that only by ad hoc and arbitrary limitations on the scope of the concept of power can it be denied that consumers collectively have power over producers and capitalists (collectively) have power over government. KD accepts that voters (collectively) have power (...)
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  9. Brian Barry (2002). Capitalists Rule Ok? Some Puzzles About Power. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 1 (2):155-184.
    Even if we do not observe those who own or manage capital doing anything, are there nevertheless good reasons for saying that they have power over government? My thesis is that, on any analysis of `power over others' that enables us to say that voters have power over those elected and that consumers have power over producers, we also have to say that those who own or control capital have power over government. Conversely, the reasons that can be given (and (...)
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  10. Angélica M. Bernal (2014). The Meaning and Perils of Presidential Refounding in Latin America. Constellations 21 (4):440-456.
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  11. Dennis Bielfeldt (2009). Freedom and Neurobiology: Reflections on Free Will, Language, and Political Power. By John R. Searle. Zygon 44 (4):999-1002.
  12. Thomas J. Blakeley (1965). Ervin Laszlo:Individualism, Collectivism and Political Power. Inquiry 8 (1-4):375-382.
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  13. Elizabeth Wingrove Bonnie Washick (2015). Politics That Matter: Thinking About Power and Justice with the New Materialists. Contemporary Political Theory 14 (1):63.
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  14. Bernard Boxill (2001). Power and Persuasion. Journal of Social Philosophy 32 (3):382–385.
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  15. David Braybrooke (1959). Book Review:Ethics in a World of Power: The Political Ideas of Friedrich Meinecke. Richard W. Sterling. [REVIEW] Ethics 69 (4):292-.
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  16. C. Brown (2008). Book in Review: Bounding Power: Republican Security Theory From the Polis to the Global Village, by Daniel H. Deudney. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007. 384 Pp. $35.00 (Cloth). [REVIEW] Political Theory 36 (4):647-650.
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  17. Allen Buchanan (2009). Democracy, Elites and Power: John Dewey Reconsidered. Contemporary Political Theory 8 (1):68-89.
    This essay demonstrates that the management and contestability of power is central to Dewey's understanding of democracy and provides a middle ground between two opposite poles within democratic theory: Either the masses become the genuine danger to democratic governance or elites are described as bent on controlling the masses . Yet, the answer to managing the relationship between them and the demos is never forthcoming. I argue that Dewey's response to Lippmann for how we ought to conceive of the relationship (...)
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  18. Tadeusz Buksiński (2000). Prawo a Władza Polityczna. Uniwersytet Im. Adama Mickiewicza W Poznaniu, Wydawn. Naukowe Instytutu Filozofii.
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  19. Gino Capozzi (1989). Forze, Leggi E Poteri. Monograph Collection (Matt - Pseudo).
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  20. Ian Carter (2001). Freedom, Power and Political Morality: Essays for Felix Oppenheim. Palgrave.
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  21. Joel I. Colón-Ríos (2011). Carl Schmitt and Constituent Power in Latin American Courts: The Cases of Venezuela and Colombia. Constellations 18 (3):365-388.
  22. Aurelian Craiutu (2003). Rethinking Political Power The Case of the French Doctrinaires. European Journal of Political Theory 2 (2):125-155.
    Although the French Doctrinaires built up one of the most important political theories of the 19th century and had a decisive influence on Tocqueville, Marx, and J. S. Mill, they have remained largely unknown in the English-speaking world. This article examines the Doctrinaires’ theory of political power by concentrating on François Guizot’s Des moyens de gouvernement et d’opposition dans l’état actuel de la France(On the Means of Government and Opposition in the Current State of France) and Prosper de Barante’s Des (...)
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  23. Renato Cristi (2011). Schmitt on Constituent Power and the Monarchical Principle. Constellations 18 (3):352-364.
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  24. Fred D'Agostino (2003). Review: Democratic Legitimacy: Plural Values and Political Power. [REVIEW] Mind 112 (447):499-502.
  25. Ramon Das (2012). Globalizing Justice: The Ethics of Poverty and Power–By Richard W. Miller; Politics as Usual: What Lies Behind the Pro‐Poor Rhetoric–By Thomas Pogge; The Life You Can Save: Acting Now to End World Poverty–By Peter Singer. Journal of Applied Philosophy 29 (1):79-83.
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  26. Miguel de Beistegui (2007). Questioning Politics, or Beyond Power. European Journal of Political Theory 6 (1):87-103.
    The axiom at the heart of this article stipulates that everything that can be extracted from Heidegger's thought by way of political contribution can be so extracted only from a position that is itself essentially non-political. This means that everything Heidegger says about politics, or that can be seen to resonate with our political situation, is articulated from a position or a space that is itself not political, a space that, furthermore, defines and decides the essence of politics. His contribution, (...)
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  27. Karen de Boer (2010). The Common Root of Commitment, Resistance and Power. Critical Horizons 10 (2):197-208.
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  28. Jacques Derrida (2000). Performative Powerlessness: A Response to Simon Critchley. Constellations 7 (4):466-468.
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  29. David N. Dixon (1997). Press Law Debate in Kenya: Ethics as Political Power. Journal of Mass Media Ethics 12 (3):171 – 182.
    Journalists in many Afiican countries have long been caught between differing ideals i n their relationship between press and government. Two models viefor dominance-the western, libertarian and development journalism models. This article uses Walzer's (1983) theory of distributive justice to illuminate the ethical significance of this debate. A t issue is political power. A case study of the 1996 proposed press law i n Kenya illustrates the ethical arguments mounted for each press model and how the arguments are marshaled not (...)
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  30. Jorge E. Dotti (2008). The Question of Neutral Power in Schmitt. Kriterion: Journal of Philosophy 49 (118):309-326.
  31. Giuseppe Duso (2007). La Logica Del Potere: Storia Concettuale Come Filosofia Politica. Polimetrica.
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  32. Estelle Ferrarese (2009). "Gabba-Gabba, We Accept You, One of Us": Vulnerability and Power in the Relationship of Recognition. Constellations 16 (4):604-614.
    No Current Hegelian theories of recognition assume a concept of the subject as always being available for harming. This emphasis placed on vulnerability, whose validity is not being called into question as such here, leave a certain number of elements on the nature of the harm threatening the person expecting recognition unclarified, especially the fact that it cannot be perpetrated without the victim being aware. At the same time, it fails to address the nature of the relationship of recognition, omitting (...)
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  33. Sandra Field (2014). Hobbes and the Question of Power. Journal of the History of Philosophy 52 (1):61-85.
    The Question of Power is Central to the study of politics. Thomas Hobbes has been hailed as the author of the greatest political philosophy written in the English language,1 and indeed as the philosopher of power par excellence.2 Nonetheless, i argue that conceptualizing political power is a problem for Hobbes. He starts with a commonsense view that understands the power of individuals as their natural faculties, and that then envisages these powers being compounded together by covenant to form the power (...)
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  34. Benjamin Franks (2008). Power, Capability and Ableness: The Fallacy of the Vehicle Fallacy. Contemporary Political Theory 7 (3):238-258.
    Sen's capabilities are reducible to individual power. Morriss's important distinction between ability and ableness is pertinent to the correct analysis of measuring capabilities. Morriss argues reducing power to resources constitutes the vehicle fallacy. The vehicle fallacy is not a fallacy if resources are measured relationally, for example, the power of money is relative to its distribution. It follows that strategic considerations must enter into the very essence of the concept of power. While ‘resources’ in this essay are broader than Dworkin's (...)
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  35. Michael Fœssel (2006). Legitimations of the State: The Weakening of Authority and the Restoration of Power. Constellations 13 (3):308-319.
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  36. Alan Gewirth (1949). Political Power and Democratic Psychiatry:The Analysis of Political Behaviour: An Empirical Approach. Harold D. Lasswell; Power and Personality. Harold D. Lasswell. [REVIEW] Ethics 59 (2):136-.
  37. Thomas Gil (2000). Handlungen, Rationalität, Moral. Monograph Collection (Matt - Pseudo).
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  38. Pablo Gilabert (forthcoming). Reflections on Human Rights and Power. In Adam Etinson (ed.), Human Rights: Moral or Political? Oxford University Press
    Human rights are particularly relevant in contexts in which there are significant asymmetries of power, but where these asymmetries exist the human rights project turns out to be especially difficult to realize. The stronger can use their disproportionate power both to threaten others’ human rights and to frustrate attempts to secure their fulfillment. They may even monopolize the international discussion as to what human rights are and how they should be implemented. This paper explores this tension between the normative ideal (...)
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  39. Pablo Gilabert (2015). Human Rights, Human Dignity, and Power. In Rowan Cruft, Matthew Liao & Massimo Renzo (eds.), Philosophical Foundations of Human Rights. Oxford University Press 196-213.
    This paper explores the connections between human rights, human dignity, and power. The idea of human dignity is omnipresent in human rights discourse, but its meaning and point is not always clear. It is standardly used in two ways, to refer to (a) a normative status of persons that makes their treatment in terms of human rights a proper response, and (b) a social condition of persons in which their human rights are fulfilled. This paper pursues three tasks. First, it (...)
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  40. P. R. Hardie (1989). Political Power in the Aeneid. The Classical Review 39 (01):26-.
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  41. Errol E. Harris (1957). Political Power. Ethics 68 (1):1-10.
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  42. Mark Haugaard (2010). Power and Social Criticism: Reflections on Power, Domination and Legitimacy. Critical Horizons 11 (1):51-74.
    Both modernist and post-modern social criticism of power presuppose that agents frequently consent to power relations, which a political theorist may wish to critique. This raises the question: from what normative position can one critique power which is, as a sociological fact, legitimate in the eyes of those who reproduce it? This paper argues that "symbolic violence" is a useful metaphor for providing such a normative grounding. In order to provide an epistemological basis of critique, it is further argued that (...)
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  43. Mark Haugaard (1997). The Consensual Basis of Conflictual Power: A Critical Response to "Using Power, Fighting Power" by Jane Mansbridge. Constellations 3 (3):401-406.
  44. Felix Heidenreich (ed.) (2011). Technologien der Macht: Zu Michel Foucaults Staatsverständnis. Nomos.
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  45. Burke A. Hendrix (2007). Moral Error, Power, and Insult. Political Theory 35 (5):550 - 573.
    Defenders of Aboriginal rights such as James Tully have argued that members of majority populations should allow Aboriginal peoples to argue within their own preferred intellectual frameworks in seeking common moral ground. But how should non-Aboriginal academics react to claims that seem insufficiently critical or even incoherent? This essay argues that there are two reasons to be especially wary of attacking such errors given the historical injustices perpetrated by settler states against Aboriginal peoples. First, attempts to root out error will (...)
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  46. R. W. Hildreth (2009). Reconstructing Dewey on Power. Political Theory 37 (6):780 - 807.
    One of the most enduring criticisms of John Dewey's political thought is that it is unsuspicious of power. This essay responds to this critique by advancing the claim that power is an integral but implicit element of Dewey's conception of human experience. Given Dewey's indirect treatment of power, this essay has two primary tasks. First, it reconstructs and develops an explicit conception of power for Deweyan pragmatism. Second, it evaluates the extent that Dewey's political and social philosophy is able to (...)
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  47. Dustin Ells Howes (2012). Terror in and Out of Power. European Journal of Political Theory 11 (1):25-58.
    This article explores the relationship between terror, power and the rule of law. First, tracing Burke’s use of the term terror back to ancient Greek usage, I argue that being terrified is incommensurable with the experience of acting together with others. In this way, terror and power are distinct. However, most acts of terror aim to terrify some people while inoculating others from terror. Witnesses to the terror of others may feel empowered by the destruction of the power of others. (...)
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  48. Oscar Jaszi (1935). Book Review:Beyond Conscience. T. V. Smith; Political Power. Charles Edward Merriam; World Politics and Personal Insecurity. Harold D. Lasswell. [REVIEW] Ethics 45 (4):440-.
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  49. Sean Johnston (2010). Conceptions of the Good and the Ubiquity of Power. Social Philosophy Today 26:83-90.
    According to John Rawls, the liberalism of John Stuart Mill is “comprehensive” and not “political” because it promotes the idea of individuality as a more or less universal conception of the good. Rawls’s political liberalism, in contrast, does not promote any one particular conception of the good over others. Instead, it aims to guarantee for citizens the capacity for a conception of the good. I argue, however, that Mill’s liberalism is “comprehensive” because power is ubiquitous, i.e., because there are social (...)
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  50. Pedro Karczmarczyk, Sobre el reclutamiento de los individuos como sujetos en la ideología. Actas de Las VI Jornadas de Sociología de la UNLP.
    En el presente trabajo examinaremos la tesis de Althusser que sostiene que la categoría de sujeto es un elemento constituyente de toda ideología. Debido a ello, la terna “ideología-interpelación-sujeto” poseería carácter omnihistórico. Sin embargo, algunos intérpretes encuentran un inconveniente en esta tesis, debido a la asociación del término ‘sujeto’ con la ideología burguesa. Para intervenir en este entramado de problemas nos proponemos tomar algunas indicaciones sobre la “evidencia del significado” y sus vínculos con la “evidencia del sujeto” que han sido (...)
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