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  1. James W. Allard (2010). T.H. Green's Theory of Positive Freedom: From Metaphysics to Political Theory (Review). Journal of the History of Philosophy 48 (4):538-539.
    Although T. H. Green is primarily remembered today as a moral and political philosopher, many of his philosophical concerns owe their origins to the Victorian crisis of faith in which a widespread belief in the literal truth of Scripture confronted seemingly incompatible scientific theories. Green attributed this crisis to the inability of science and religion to find accommodation in the popular version of empiricism widely accepted by educated men and women of his day. In his 371-page introduction to Hume’s Treatise, (...)
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  2. John Arthur & William Shaw (eds.) (1979). Justice and Economic Distribution (2nd). Prentice-Hall.
  3. H. E. Baber, Freedom That Matters.
    Ideologues of the American Dream doctrine assume that state intervention aimed at providing social safety nets for citizens and reducing economic inequality, restricts freedom and undermines individual opportunity. This assumption is the result of empirical misinformation and, more fundamentally, a conceptual mistake. Robust empirical data indicate that economic equality, far from stifling initiative or undermining opportunity, is conducive to social mobility.
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  4. Sebastiano Bavetta & Pietro Navarra (2012). The Economics of Freedom. Cambridge University Press.
    What is freedom? Can we measure it? Does it affect policy? This book develops an original measure of freedom called 'Autonomy Freedom', consistent with J. S. Mill's view of autonomy, and applies it to issues in policy and political design. The work pursues three aims. First, it extends classical liberalism beyond exclusive reliance on negative freedom so as to take autonomous behavior explicitly into account. Second, it grounds on firm conceptual foundations a new standard in the measurement of freedom that (...)
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  5. Isaiah Berlin (2002). Freedom and its Betrayal: Six Enemies of Human Liberty. Princeton University Press.
    Isaiah Berlin's celebrated radio lectures on six formative anti-liberal thinkers were broadcast by the BBC in 1952. They are published here for the first time, fifty years later. They comprise one of Berlin's earliest and most convincing expositions of his views on human freedom and on the history of ideas--views that later found expression in such famous works as "Two Concepts of Liberty," and were at the heart of his lifelong work on the Enlightenment and its critics. Working with BBC (...)
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  6. Greg Bird & Jonathan Short (2013). Community, Immunity, and the Proper an Introduction to the Political Theory of Roberto Esposito. Angelaki 18 (3):1-12.
  7. Adrian Blau (2004). Against Positive and Negative Freedom. Political Theory 32 (4):547-553.
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  8. Thom Brooks, The Capabilities Approach, Religious Practices, and the Importance of Recognition.
    When can ever be justified in banning a religious practice? This paper focusses on Martha Nussbaum's capabilities approach. Certain religious practices create a clash between capabilities where the capability to religious belief and expression is in conflict with the capability of equal status and nondiscrimination. One example of such a clash is the case of polygamy. Nussbaum argues that there may be circumstances where polygamy may be acceptable. On the contrary, I argue that the capabilities approach cannot justify polygamy in (...)
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  9. Alan M. S. J. Coffee (2013). Two Spheres of Domination: Republican Theory, Social Norms and the Insufficiency of Negative Freedom. Contemporary Political Theory.
    Republicans understand freedom as the guaranteed protection against any arbitrary use of coercive power. This freedom is exercised within a political community, and the concept of arbitrariness is defined with reference to the actual ideas of its citizens about what is in their shared interests. According to many current defenders of the republican model, this form of freedom is understood in strictly negative terms representing an absence of domination. I argue that this assumption is misguided. First, it is internally inconsistent. (...)
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  10. Ana Luiza da Gama E. Souza, Individual Freedom in the Economic Global Market: A Defense of a Liberty to Realize Choices.
    Human life in contemporary society is extremely complex and there are various external factors that directly affect the realization in the individual ends. In this work I analyze the effects of the global market economy, manifested by a mode of production and distribution of goods and services in the form of a global network of economic relations, which involve people, transnational corporations and political and social institutions in moral sphere of people, affecting their choices and the realization of these choices. (...)
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  11. Maria Dimova-Cookson (2012). Liberty as Welfare The Basecamp Counterpart of Positive Freedom. Collingwood and British Idealism Studies 18 (2):133-165.
    L.T.Hobhouse's concept of liberty--the concept at the heart of new liberalism--is based on T.H. Green's positive freedom. However, this paper demonstrates that the former has its own distinct nature and can be usefully defined as 'liberty as welfare'. In a context of renewed interest in the link between liberty and ability/personal development, scholars have looked back to Green's positive liberty. But the complex nature of latter has led to scholarly disagreement about its definitive features. The paper argues that Hobhouse's liberty (...)
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  12. Maria Dimova-Cookson (2003). A New Scheme of Positive and Negative Freedom: Reconstructing T. H. Green on Freedom. Political Theory 31 (4):508-532.
    This article offers a new scheme of the relation between positive and negative freedom that is based on a retrieval of T. H. Green's theory of freedom and on further reconstructions of his theory. Some of the distinctions in the literature have proven difficult to sustain, and this has resulted in a weakening of the dichotomy in principle, and of the concepts of positive and negative freedom independently of each other. The main distinction between negative and positive freedom offered here (...)
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  13. Carol Hay (2012). Consonances Between Liberalism and Pragmatism. Transactions of the Charles S. Peirce Society 48 (2):141-168.
    This paper is an attempt to identify certain consonances between contemporary liberalism and classical pragmatism. I identify four of the most trenchant criticisms of classical liberalism presented by pragmatist figures such as James, Peirce, Dewey, Addams, and Hocking: that liberalism overemphasizes negative liberty, that it is overly individualistic, that its pluralism is suspect, that it is overly abstract. I then argue that these deficits of liberalism in its historical incarnations are being addressed by contemporary liberals. Contemporary liberals, I show, have (...)
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  14. Adam Omar Hosein (2014). Doing, Allowing, and the State. Law and Philosophy 33 (2):235-264.
    The doing/allowing distinction plays an important role in our thinking about a number of legal issues, such as the need for criminal process protections, prohibitions on torture, the permissibility of the death penalty and so on. These are areas where, at least initially, there seem to be distinctions between harms that the state inflicts and harms that it merely allows. In this paper I will argue for the importance of the doing/allowing distinction as applied to state action. Sunstein, Holmes, Vermeule (...)
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  15. Ian Hunt (1995). A Note on Woolcock's Defence of Berlin on Positive and Negative Freedom. Australasian Journal of Philosophy 73 (3):465 – 471.
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  16. Janos Kis (2013). Berlin's Two Concepts of Positive Liberty. European Journal of Political Theory 12 (1):31-48.
    In ‘Two Concepts of Liberty’, Berlin wavered between two readings of the concept of positive liberty. In the first one, ‘positive liberty’ is a distinct concept, different from that of ‘negative liberty’. Those who advocate liberty in the negative sense and those who advocate it in the positive sense do not disagree on which interpretation of the same thing – ‘liberty’ – is the correct one; they speak about different things. Both defend valid ideals, although those ideals may not be (...)
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  17. Hugh LaFollette (1979). Why Libertarianism is Mistaken. In John Arthur & William Shaw (eds.), Justice and Economic Distribution (2nd). Prentice-Hall.
    Taxing the income of some people to provide goods or services to others, even those with urgent needs, is unjust. It is a violation of the wage earner's rights, a restriction of his freedom. At least that is what the libertarian tells us. I disagree. Not all redistribution of income is unjust; or so I shall argue.
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  18. Christian List (2006). Republican Freedom and the Rule of Law. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 5 (2):201-220.
    At the core of republican thought, on Philip Pettit’s account, lies the conception of freedom as non-domination, as opposed to freedom as noninterference in the liberal sense. I revisit the distinction between liberal and republican freedom and argue that republican freedom incorporates a particular rule-of-law requirement, whereas liberal freedom does not. Liberals may also endorse such a requirement, but not as part of their conception of freedom itself. I offer a formal analysis of this rule-of-law requirement and compare liberal and (...)
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  19. Matthew Lister (2011). Review of Gerald Gaus, The Order of Public Reason. [REVIEW] Notre Dame Philosophical Review.
  20. Thaddeus Metz (2000). Samuel Fleischacker, A Third Concept of Liberty: Judgment and Freedom in Kant and Adam Smith Reviewed By. [REVIEW] Philosophy in Review 20 (4):249-252.
  21. Eric Nelson (2005). Liberty: One or Two Concepts Liberty One Concept Too Many? Political Theory 33 (1):58-78.
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  22. Eric S. Nelson (2012). Against Liberty: Adorno, Levinas, and the Pathologies of Freedom. Theoria 60 (131):64-83..
    Adorno and Levinas argue from distinct yet intersecting perspectives that there are pathological forms of freedom, formed by systems of power and economic exchange, which legitimate the neglect, exploitation, and domination of others. In this paper, I examine how the works of Adorno and Levinas assist in diagnosing the aporias of liberty in contemporary capitalist societies by providing critical models and strategies for confronting present discourses and systems of freedom that perpetuate unfreedom such as those ideologically expressed in possessive individualist (...)
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  23. Agnieszka Nogal (2009). The Concept of Freedom in Henryk Elzenberg's Thought. Dialogue and Universalism 19 (8-9):135-140.
    Elzenberg opposes the rightness of violence. This is a horizon on which appears a space for freedom in its two dimensions, which contemporarily is defined as negative and positive. Elzenberg’s negative freedom—necessary and essential—is freedom from one’s own biologicality but also from violence, whilst positive freedom—desired and valuable—the freedom to pursue values, is conditioned by the first.Man can be enslaved by his own body, the force applied by political authority or by ideology. He will not pursue truth then. He can (...)
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  24. Nedim Nomer (2005). Fichte and the Idea of Liberal Socialism. Journal of Political Philosophy 13 (1):53–73.
  25. Marek Piechowiak (2011). Negatywna wolność religijna i przekonania sekularystyczne w świetle sprawy Lautsi przeciwko Włochom [Negative Religious Freedom and Secular Thought in the Light of the Case of Lautsi v. Italy]. Przegląd Sejmowy 19 (5 (106)):37-68.
    The article provides an analysis of the European Court of Human Rights judgments in the case of Lautsi v. Italy (application no. 30814/06), also known as the Italian crucifix case. The applicant claimed that displaying crucifixes in the Italian State-school classrooms attended by her children was contrary to the principle of secularism, by which she wished to bring up her children, and therefore infringed her right to ensure their education and teaching in conformity with her religious and philosophical convictions, and (...)
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  26. Marek Piechowiak (2011). Negative Freedom of Religion and Secular Views in the Light of the Case of Lautsi Vs. Italy. In Tomasz Sokołowski (ed.), Law in the Face of Religious Persecution and Discrimination. Wydawnictwo Poznańskie.
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  27. Marek Piechowiak (2003). Aksjologiczne podstawy Karty praw podstawowych Unii Europejskiej [Axiological Foundations of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union]. Studia Prawnicze 155 (1):5-29.
    Pierwszorzędnym przedmiotem badań są przyjęte w Karcie, wprost lub domyślnie, rozstrzygnięcia typu aksjologicznego. Przez „aksjologiczne podstawy” rozumiane są rozstrzygnięcia dotyczące uznania takich, a nie innych, wartości czy dóbr za przedmiot ochrony; a ponieważ chodzi o „podstawy”, przedmiotem zainteresowania są rozstrzygnięcia fundamentalne w takim sensie, że stanowią one uzasadnienie dla bardziej szczegółowych rozstrzygnięć aksjologicznych i normatywnych. Pozwala to m.in. na formułowanie wniosków co do spójności rozstrzygnięć szczegółowych. Zagadnienie aksjologicznych podstaw obejmuje także problematykę relacji między wartościami a prawami podstawowymi oraz zagadnienie ontologicznego (...)
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  28. Marek Piechowiak (1999). The Concept of Freedom in the Draft Polish Constitution 1996. In Zofia Zdybicka (ed.), Freedom in Contemporary Culture.
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  29. Marek Piechowiak (1997). Pojęcie praw człowieka [The Notion of Human Rights]. In Leszek Wiśniewski (ed.), Podstawowe prawa jednostki oraz ich sądowa ochrona. Wydawnictwo Sejmowe. 7-37.
    W opracowaniu tym poszukiwana jest odpowiedź na dwa pytania: „co to są prawa człowieka?” oraz „jakie są zasadnicze elementy konstytucyjnej koncepcji tych praw?” Odpowiadając na pierwsze pytanie, zmierzać będę do wskazania zasadniczych elementów współczesnej – opartej przede wszystkim na prawie międzynarodowym – koncepcji służącej ujęciu tych praw, czyli do eksplikacji pojęcia praw człowieka. Odpowiadając na drugie, będę poszukiwać zasadniczych konsekwencji, które dla konstytucyjnych regulacji ma uznanie tej koncepcji. Analizy mają charakter projektujący. Nie jest moim celem rekonstrukcja koncepcji praw człowieka zawartej (...)
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  30. Gary Frank Reed (1980). Berlin and the Division of Liberty. Political Theory 8 (3):365-380.
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  31. Avital Simhony (1993). Beyond Negative and Positive Freedom: T. H. Green's View of Freedom. Political Theory 21 (1):28-54.
  32. Robert S. Taylor (2003). Rawls’s Defense of the Priority of Liberty: A Kantian Reconstruction. Philosophy and Public Affairs 31 (3):246–271.
    Rawls offers three arguments for the priority of liberty in Theory, two of which share a common error: the belief that once we have shown the instrumental value of the basic liberties for some essential purpose (e.g., securing self-respect), we have automatically shown the reason for their lexical priority. The third argument, however, does not share this error and can be reconstructed along Kantian lines: beginning with the Kantian conception of autonomy endorsed by Rawls in section 40 of Theory, we (...)
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  33. Peter Vallentyne (2011). Equal Negative Liberty and Welfare Rights. International Journal of Applied Philosophy 25 (2):237-41.
    In Are Equal Liberty and Equality Compatible?, Jan Narveson and James Sterba insightfully debate whether a right to maximum equal negative liberty requires, or at least is compatible with, a right to welfare. Narveson argues that the two rights are incompatible, whereas Sterba argues that the rights are compatible and indeed that the right to maximum equal negative liberty requires a right to welfare. I argue that Sterba is correct that the two rights are conceptually compatible and that Narveson is (...)
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  34. Lucinda Vandervort (2013). HIV, Fraud, Non-Disclosure, Consent and a Stark Choice: Mabior or Sexual Autonomy? Criminal Law Quarterly 60 (2):301-320.
    The reasons for judgment by the Supreme Court of Canada on the appeal in Mabior (2012 SCC 47) fail to address or resolve a number of significant questions. The reasons acknowledge the fundamental role of sexual consent in protecting sexual autonomy, equality, and human dignity, but do not use the law of consent as a tool to assist the Court in crafting a fresh approach to the issue on appeal. Instead the Court adopts the same general approach to analysis of (...)
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  35. Fabian Wendt (2011). Slaves, Prisoners, and Republican Freedom. Res Publica 17 (2):175-192.
    Philip Pettit’s republican conception of freedom is presented as an alternative both to negative and positive conceptions of freedom. The basic idea is to conceptualize freedom as non-domination, not as non-interference or self-mastery. When compared to negative freedom, Pettit’s republican conception comprises two controversial claims: the claim that we are unfree if we are dominated without actual interference, and the claim that we are free if we face interference without domination. Because the slave is a widely accepted paradigm of the (...)
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  36. Peter Woolcock (1995). Hunt and Berlin on Positive and Negative Freedom. Australasian Journal of Philosophy 73 (3):458 – 464.
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