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  1. George Argyrous (1994). Kuhn's Paradigms and Neoclassical Economics: Reply to Dow. Economics and Philosophy 10 (01):123-.
  2. Roger E. Backhouse (2000). Symposium: Data Mining. Journal of Economic Methodology 7 (2):171-277.
  3. Bruce Caldwell (2009). A Skirmish in the Popper Wars: Hutchison Versus Caldwell on Hayek, Popper, Mises, and Methodology. Journal of Economic Methodology 16 (3):315-324.
    The paper is a reminiscence of T.W. Hutchison by way of a retrospective view of our debate over the relationship between the ideas of Karl Popper, F. A. Hayek, and Ludwig von Mises on methodology. Our dispute was part of a larger debate over the relevance of Popper's thought for economic methodology. Its place within the larger debate is also explored.
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  4. Joshua Cohen (1995). Samuelson's Operationalist-Descriptivist Thesis. Journal of Economic Methodology 2 (1):53-78.
    This paper explores the influence of operationalism and its corollary, descriptivism, on Paul Samuelson's revealed preference theory as it developed between 1937 and 1948. Samuelson urged the disencumbering of metaphysics from economic theory. As an illustration, he showed how utility could be operationally redefined as revealed preference, and, furthermore, how from hypotheses such as maximizing behavior, operationally meaningful theorems could be deduced, thereby satisfying his demand for a scientific, empirical approach toward consumer behavior theory. In this paper I discuss the (...)
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  5. Partha Dasgupta (2005). What Do Economists Analyze and Why: Values or Facts? Economics and Philosophy 21 (2):221-278.
    Social thinkers frequently remind us that people differ in their views on what constitutes personal well-being, but that even when they don't differ, they disagree over the extent to which one person's well-being can be permitted to be traded off against another's. In this paper I show, by offering an account of the development of development economics, that in professional debates on social policy, economists speak or write as though they agree on values but differ on their reading of facts. (...)
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  6. Sheila C. Dow (2004). Reorienting Economics: Some Epistemological Issues. Journal of Economic Methodology 11 (3):307-312.
    Criticizes the book "Reorienting Economics," by Tony Lawson. Emphasis on the character of the middle ground between positivism and relativism; Conception of reality implicit in economic practice; Inconsistency between the methodology of orthodox economics.
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  7. Ross B. Emmett (2009). Realism and Relevance in the Economics of a Free Society: The Knight–Hutchison Debate. Journal of Economic Methodology 16 (3):341-350.
    The methodological debate between Frank Knight and Terence Hutchison is usually framed in terms of the philosophical debates between positivism and intuitionism, or between empirical knowledge and theoretical knowledge. Hutchison's argument was, after all, a defense of the need for empirically-based economic knowledge, using the justificatory framework provided by logical positivism, and Knight was widely known for his defense of the understanding of economic theory often associated with Lionel Robbins. But the dispute between Knight and Hutchison was much more than (...)
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  8. Frank Hahn (1996). Rerum causas cognoscere'. Economics and Philosophy 12:183-96.
    Professor Hausman has written an interesting and instructive book.1 Though I am by no means favourably disposed to methodology for economists, (its results seem to have been pretty disastrous), I found reading Hausman enjoyable and I came away having learned things worth learning. But not all is well, largely because Hausman is a philosopher first and an economist a poor second. There are also important questions where one would have expected philosophic help which are not asked at all. I shall (...)
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  9. A. Hamlin (2002). Social Science, Ethics and Utilitarianism A Review of Leland B. Yeager's Ethics as Social Science: The Moral Philosophy of Social Cooperation. Journal of Economic Methodology 9 (2):245-250.
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  10. D. Hammes (2011). Reviews: Milton's Positivism Found Wanting. [REVIEW] Philosophy of the Social Sciences 41 (3):398-419.
    Milton Friedman’s 1953 essay created controversy and consternation amongst economists. It provided a prescription, based on empirically generated predictive success, of how to do economics, yet many saw it as a concession of the search for truth and theoretical beauty within the discipline. This article reviews a 50th anniversary festschrift devoted to views of the essay. The purpose of the volume is to provide today’s reader with the essay, responses, and a guide to interpreting it. The volume is selective and (...)
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  11. John Hart (2010). Terence Hutchison and Frank Knight: A Reappraisal of Their 1940–1941 Exchange. Journal of Economic Methodology 17 (4):359-373.
    The person arguably most responsible for the view of Hutchison as the positivist who introduced positivism into economics was Frank Knight. I argue that Knight in 1940 failed to demonstrate that Hutchison was a positivist, at least in the narrow logical positivist sense of the term. By questioning Knight's charge, I aim to challenge the conventional wisdom that identifies ?Hutchison? with ?positivism?. The paper is then a first step in the argument that positivism, even in 1938, played only an (...)
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  12. John Hart (2009). Machlup's Misrepresentation of Hutchison's Methodology. Journal of Economic Methodology 16 (3):325-340.
    Hutchison's 1938 essay has been mainly interpreted as introducing positivism and ultra-empiricism into economics. Such interpretations misrepresent his position. While he clearly drew on logical positivism, his methodology stems from a more moderate form of empiricism. However the issue at stake is not the exact degree of Hutchison's empiricism, but rather the extent to which such negative labelling has trivialised his position and distracted attention from the main concern of his 1938 essay. This was to mount a sustained and systematic (...)
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  13. John Hart (2003). Terence Hutchison's 1938 Essay: Towards a Reappraisal. Journal of Economic Methodology 10 (3):353-373.
    Terence Hutchison's 1938 essay has been variously interpreted as introducing positivism, ultra?empiricism and Popperian falsificationism into economics. This paper argues that such interpretations are unfair and inaccurate. Moreover, they distract from his central message. The paper is divided into three main sections. The first seeks to demonstrate the extent to which Hutchison's essay differs from these previous interpretations. The second argues that Hutchison's central concern was to highlight and demonstrate the inadequacies of the traditional deductive method of ?classical? economics. (...)
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  14. John Hart (2002). A Conversation with Terence Hutchison. Journal of Economic Methodology 9 (3):359-377.
    The pigeonholing of Hutchison's methodology as positivist, ultra-empiricist or Popperian has militated against a full appreciation of his more complex position. In this as-verbatim-as-possible account of an afternoon's discussion with Hutchison, it is the directly personal manner in which we gain insights, rather than simply the insights themselves, that we hope will help towards a re-assessment. We learn of his non-positivist view that economics is an empirical-historical discipline distinct from the natural sciences; and his rejection of Popper's view that prediction (...)
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  15. Martin Hollis (1985). The Emperor's Newest Clothes. Economics and Philosophy 1 (1):128-133.
    There is a simple joy in finding that the emperor has positively no clothes and especially when the finger is pointed in ribald good English. Donald McCloskey does this service in “The Rhetoric of Economics”, where he argues with force and wit that “modernism” (meaning, roughly, positivism, as in “Positive Economics”) will do as an account neither of what economists do nor of what it makes philosophical sense for them to attempt. Instead they should recognize that models are always metaphors (...)
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  16. Kevin D. Hoover (2000). Truth and Progress in Economic Knowledge (Edward Elgar, 1997, X + 232 Pages) Explorations in Economic Methodology: From Lakatos to Empirical Philosophy of Science (Routledge, 1998; VII + 246 Pages) Roger E. Backhouse. [REVIEW] Economics and Philosophy 16 (2):333-378.
  17. Marek Hudík (2011). Why Economics is Not a Science of Behaviour. Journal of Economic Methodology 18 (2):147-162.
    The paper criticises psychologism, i.e. the idea that economics is a science of behaviour or that it must be rooted in such a science. The argument is based on Hayek and Popper's thesis that economics studies spontaneous order. First, it is argued that if economics is to retain its traditional distance from psychology, it has to abandon the notion that it is concerned with behaviour. Then it is shown that there is no simple one-way causation from the psychological to the (...)
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  18. Harold Kincaid (1993). Verification in Economics and History: A Sequel to Scientifization, O. F. Hamouda and B. B. Price. London: Routledge, 1991, X + 182 Pages. [REVIEW] Economics and Philosophy 9 (02):322-.
  19. Tony Lawson (1997). Economics and Reality. Routledge.
    There is an increasingly widespread belief, both within and outside the discipline, that modern economics is irrelevant to the understanding of the real world. Economics and Reality traces this irrelevance to the failure of economists to match their methods with their subject, showing that formal, mathematical models are unsuitable to the social realities economists purport to address. Tony Lawson examines the various ways in which mainstream economics is rooted in positivist philosophy and examines the problems this causes. It focuses on (...)
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  20. Uskali Mäki (ed.) (2009). The Methodology of Positive Economics : Reflections on the Milton Friedman Legacy. Cambridge University Press.
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  21. Uskali Mäki (2009). Reading the Methodological Essay in Twentieth Century Economics: Map of Multiple Perspectives. In , The methodology of positive economics : Reflections on the Milton Friedman legacy. Cambridge University Press.
  22. Uskali Mäki (2008). Filosofia y metodologia an la economia. In Juan José Jardón Urrieta (ed.), Temas de Teoria Economica y so Metodo. Universidade de Santiago de Compostela.
    Este documento analiza las siguientes cuestiones: 1) La metodología de la economía y su actual institucionalización. 2) La definición de Economía. 3) Las perspectivas de los economistas acerca de la Economía, sus métodos y justificación. 4) Comprobación y progreso: Popper y Lakatos.5) Los modelos y sus supuestos. 6) Persuasión retórica y verdad. 7) La Economía como un recurso para la Filosofía de la Ciencia. 8) Expansionismo explicativo y relaciones interdisciplinares.
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  23. Deirdre N. McCloskey & Stephen T. Ziliak (2008). Signifying Nothing: Reply to Hoover and Siegler. Journal of Economic Methodology 15 (1):39-55.
    After William Gosset (1876?1937), the ?Student? of Student's t, the best statisticians have distinguished economic (or agronomic or psychological or medical) significance from merely statistical ?significance? at conventional levels. A singular exception among the best was Ronald A. Fisher, who argued in the 1920s that statistical significance at the 0.05 level is a necessary and sufficient condition for establishing a scientific result. After Fisher many economists and some others ? but rarely physicists, chemists, and geologists, who seldom use Fisher?significance ? (...)
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  24. David Miller (1999). Popper and Tarski. In I. C. Jarvie & Sandra Pralong (eds.), Popper's Open Society After Fifty Years: The Continuing Relevance of Karl Popper. Routledge.
  25. Michael Moehler & Geoffrey Brennan (2010). Neoclassical Economics. In Mark Bevir (ed.), Encyclopedia of Political Theory. SAGE Publications.
    The term neoclassical economics delineates a distinct and relatively homogenous school of thought in economic theory that became prominent in the late nineteenth century and that now dominates mainstream economics. The term was originally introduced by Thorstein Veblen to describe developments in the discipline (of which Veblen did not entirely approve) associated with the work of such figures as William Jevons, Carl Menger, and Leon Walras. The ambition of these figures, the first neoclassicists, was to formalize and mathematize the subject (...)
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  26. Philippe Mongin (2006). Value Judgements and Value Neutrality in Economics. Economica 73 (290):257-286.
    The paper analyses economic evaluations by distinguishing evaluative statements from actual value judgments. From this basis, it compares four solutions to the value neutrality problem in economics. After rebutting the strong theses about neutrality (normative economics is illegitimate) and non-neutrality (the social sciences are value-impregnated), the paper settles the case between the weak neutrality thesis (common in welfare economics) and a novel, weak non-neutrality thesis that extends the realm of normative economics more widely than the other weak thesis does.
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  27. Philippe Mongin (1988). À la Recherche du Temps Perdu : Réponse a Mm. LaFleur, Rosenberg Et Salmon. Philosophy of the Social Sciences 18 (4):537-549.
    A rejoinder to commentators of the paper Le réalisme des hypothèses et la "Partial Interpretation View", which was published in the same journal.
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  28. Philippe Mongin (1988). Le Réalisme Des Hypothèses Et la Partial Interpretation View. Philosophy of the Social Sciences 18 (3):281-325.
    The article discusses Friedman's classic claim that economics can be based on irrealistic assumptions. It exploits Samuelson's distinction between two "F-twists" (that is, "it is an advantage for an economic theory to use irrealistic assumptions" vs "the more irrealistic the assumptions, the better the economic theory"), as well as Nagel's distinction between three philosophy-of-science construals of the basic claim. On examination, only one of Nagel's construals seems promising enough. It involves the neo-positivistic distinction between theoretical and non-theoretical ("observable") terms; so (...)
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  29. Roberta Muramatsu (2010). Making Sense of Friedman's Methodology in Theory and Action. Journal of Economic Methodology 17 (3):333-338.
    (2010). Making sense of Friedman's methodology in theory and action. Journal of Economic Methodology: Vol. 17, No. 3, pp. 333-338. doi: 10.1080/1350178X.2010.513762.
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  30. Bart Nooteboom (1986). Plausibility in Economics. Economics and Philosophy 2 (02):197-.
    According to the instrumentalism of Friedman (1970) and Machlup (1967) it is irrelevant whether the explanatory principles or “assumptions” of a theory satisfy any criterion of “plausibility,” “realism,” “credibility,” or “soundness.” In this view the main or only criterion for selecting theories is whether a theory yields empirically testable implications that turn out to be consistent with observations. All we should require or expect from a theory is that it is a useful instrument for the purpose of prediction. Considerations of (...)
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  31. John O'neill (2006). Knowledge, Planning, and Markets: A Missing Chapter in the Socialist Calculation Debates. Economics and Philosophy 22 (1):55-78.
    This paper examines the epistemological arguments about markets and planning that emerged in a series of unpublished exchanges between Hayek and Neurath. The exchanges reveal problems for standard accounts of both the socialist calculation debates and logical empiricism. They also raise questions concerning the sources of ignorance and uncertainty in modern economies, and the role of market and non-market organisations in the distribution and coordination of limited knowledge, which remain relevant to contemporary debates in economics. Hayek had argued that Neurath's (...)
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  32. Allen Oakley (2000). Alfred Schutz and Economics as a Social Science. Human Studies 23 (3):243-260.
    Over the years, a number of interpreters with an interest in economics have given some attention the work of Alfred Schutz. As intimated in this literature, the orientation of his delimited thought on economics stemmed from contacts with the Austrian school during his Vienna years. Probably because of this connection, there exists among these interpreters an inclination uncritically to align Schutz with the Austrians' thought. What will be argued in this paper is that in adopting such an uncritical position, each (...)
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  33. Melvin W. Reder (2003). Remarks on 'The Methodology of Positive Economics'. Journal of Economic Methodology 10 (4):527-530.
    Friedman's essay argued that the primary criterion of validity for economic models was not descriptive fidelity, but the accuracy and importance of the predictions generated by its implications. His argument was directed against a major current of mid?twentieth?century economics that sought to alter neoclassical theory by displacing the competitive firm as a centerpiece of price theory. The success of Friedman's counter argument was due not only to its cogency but also to major improvements in econometric techniques, data sources and computational (...)
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  34. Geert Reuten (1996). A Revision of the Neoclassical Economics Methodology. Journal of Economic Methodology 3 (1):39-68.
    The practice of neoclassical economics is characterized as an ?axiomatic positivism?, which is far removed from the official (Popper-Lakatos) methodology of neoclassicism. Hausman (1992) attempts to provide a full revision of that official methodology, for which he takes recourse to the methodological work of J.S. Mill. Hausman's methodology is problematical because of: (1) an inadequate distinction between a normative and a descriptive methodology; (2) an insufficient consideration of the empirical stages of theory appraisal; (3) a misleading account of the tendential (...)
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  35. Alexander Rosenberg (1992). Economics: Mathematical Politics or Science of Diminishing Returns? University of Chicago Press.
    Economics today cannot predict the likely outcome of specific events any better than it could in the time of Adam Smith. This is Alexander Rosenberg's controversial challenge to the scientific status of economics. Rosenberg explains that the defining characteristic of any science is predictive improvability--the capacity to create more precise forecasts by evaluating the success of earlier predictions--and he forcefully argues that because economics has not been able to increase its predictive power for over two centuries, it is not a (...)
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  36. Alexander Rosenberg (1986). Lakatosian Consolations for Economics. Economics and Philosophy 2 (01):127-.
    The F-twist is giving way to the methodology of scientific research programs. Milton Friedman's “Methodology for Economics” is being supplanted as the orthodox rationale for neoclassical economics by Imre Lakatos' account of scientific respectability. Friedman's instrumentalist thesis that theories are to be judged by the confirmation of their consequences and not the realism of their assumptions has long been widely endorsed by economists, under Paul Samuelson's catchy rubric “the F-twist.” It retains its popularity among economists who want no truck with (...)
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  37. Don Ross (2010). Why Economic Modelers Can't Exclude Psychological Processing Variables. Journal of Economic Methodology 17 (1):87-92.
  38. David Teira Serrano (2006). A Positivist Tradition in Early Demand Theory. Journal of Economic Methodology 13 (1):25-47.
    In this paper I explore a positivist methodological tradition in early demand theory, as exemplified by several common traits that I draw from the works of V. Pareto, H. L. Moore and H. Schultz. Assuming a current approach to explanation in the social sciences, I will discuss the building of their various explanans, showing that the three authors agreed on two distinctive methodological features: the exclusion of any causal commitment to psychology when explaining individual choice and the mandate to test (...)
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  39. Barry Smith (2010). Austrian Economics and Austrian Philosophy. In Wolfgang Grassl & Barry Smith (eds.), Austrian Economics and Austrian Philosophy.
    Austrian economics starts out from the thesis that the objects of economic science differ from those of the natural sciences because of the centrality of the economic agent. This allows a certain a priori or essentialistic aspect to economic science of a sort which parallels the a priori dimension of psychology defended by Brentano and his student Edmund Husserl. We outline these parallels, and show how the theory of a priori dependence relations outlined in Husserl’s Logical Investigations can throw light (...)
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  40. Huei-Chun Su (2012). Beyond the Positive–Normative Dichotomy: Some Remarks on Colander'sLost Art of Economics. Journal of Economic Methodology 19 (4):375-390.
    In a series of articles later collected in his book The Lost Art of Economics, David Colander argues that the dichotomous distinction of positive and normative economics has misled economists into treating applied policy economics as part of positive economics and hence adopting the methodology of positive economics for applied policy analysis. Colander therefore urges a reintroduction of the art of economics and calls for a serious discussion on the appropriate methodology for applied policy work. This paper first explores some (...)
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  41. David Teira (2009). Why Friedman's Methodology Did Not Generate Consensus Among Economists? Journal of the History of Economic Thought 31 (2):201-214.
    In this paper I study how the theoretical categories of consumption theory were used by Milton Friedman in order to classify empirical data and obtain predictions. Friedman advocated a case by case definition of these categories that traded theoretical coherence for empirical content. I contend that this methodological strategy puts a clear incentive to contest any prediction contrary to our interest: it can always be argued that these predictions rest on a wrong classification of data. My conjecture is that this (...)
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  42. David Teira (2007). Milton Friedman, the Statistical Methodologist. History of Political Economy 39 (3):511-28.
  43. David Teira (2006). A Positivist Tradition in Early Demand Theory. Journal of Economic Methodology 13 (1):25-47.
    In this paper I explore a positivist methodological tradition in early demand theory, as exemplified by several common traits that I draw from the works of V. Pareto, H. L. Moore and H. Schultz. Assuming a current approach to explanation in the social sciences, I will discuss the building of their various explanans, showing that the three authors agreed on two distinctive methodological features: the exclusion of any causal commitment to psychology when explaining individual choice and the mandate to test (...)
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  44. Altug Yalcintas (2010). PHD Thesis Summary: Intellectual Paths and Pathologies: How Small Events in Scholarly Life Accidentally Grow Big (2009). Erasmus Journal of Philosophy and Economics 3 (1):123-125.
  45. Andrew M. Yuengert (2006). Model Selection and Multiple Research Goals: The Case of Rational Addiction. Journal of Economic Methodology 13 (1):77-96.
    A comparison of rational addiction and time inconsistency models of addiction highlights the complexities of model selection when researchers have goals in addition to empirical fit. Although currently the two models of addiction are underdetermined by data, each offers a different understanding of addiction; moreover, the two models offer starkly different policy implications. When the goals of understanding and policy usefulness are added to the goal of empirical fit, a more complex account of model selection is needed. First, the principle (...)
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