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  1. Arash Abizadeh (2005). Democratic Elections Without Campaigns? Normative Foundations of National Baha'i Elections. World Order 37 (1):7-49.
    National Baha’i elections, conducted world-wide without nominations, competitive campaigns, or parties, challenge the emerging consensus that the only truly democratic elections are multiparty elections in which each party’s candidates compete freely for votes. National Baha’i electoral institutions are based on three core values: respect for the inherent dignity of each person, the unity and solidarity of persons collectively, and the justice and fairness of institutions. While liberal political philosophy interprets respect for dignity exclusively in terms of equality and freedom, the (...)
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  2. L. Alexander (2003). Is Judicial Review Democratic? A Comment on Harel. Law and Philosophy 22 (s 3-4):277-283.
  3. Veit Bader (2014). Crisis of Political Parties and Representative Democracies: Rethinking Parties in Associational, Experimentalist Governance. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (3):350-376.
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  4. Ludvig Beckman (2008). Democratic Inclusion, Law, and Causes. Ratio Juris 21 (3):348-364.
    Abstract. In this article two conceptions of what it means to say that all affected persons should be granted the right to vote in democratic elections are distinguished and evaluated. It is argued that understanding "affected" in legal terms, as referring to the circle of people bound by political decisions, has many advantages compared to the view referring to everyone affected in mere causal terms. The importance of jurisdictions in deciding rights to democratic influence should hence be recognized more clearly (...)
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  5. Cassio Correa Benjamin (2008). Schmitt and the Problem of Democracy. Nostalgia of Transcedence and Representation as a Search for Democracy. Kriterion 49 (118):417-441.
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  6. Al Carthill (1928). Rods and Axes. London, W. Blackwood & Sons Ltd..
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  7. Erik Oddvar Eriksen & John Erik Fossum (2012). Representation Through Deliberation – The European Case. Constellations 19 (2):325-339.
  8. Richard Fralin (1978). The Evolution of Rousseau's View of Representative Government. Political Theory 6 (4):517-536.
  9. Alin Fumurescu (2011). Lost in Translation: Centripetal Individualism and the Classical Concept of Descending Representation. European Journal of Political Theory 10 (2):156-176.
    The article argues that by the 17th century, despite the increased intellectual exchanges of the time, two different kind of individualism were developing across the Channel — one labeled here as ‘centripetal’, the other one as ‘centrifugal’. On the French side, one witnesses a focus on forum internum, as the only site of uniqueness and authenticity. On the British side, the emphasis switched to forum externum and the equality of wills. The article explores the consequences of these different self-apprehensions of (...)
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  10. H. K. Gerken (2009). Making Representative Democracy Work: Andrew Rehfeld (2005). The Concept of Constituency: Political Representation, Democratic Legitimacy, and Institutional Design New York: Cambridge University Press. 259 Pp. $88 (Cloth). Kevin O'Leary (2006). Saving Democracy: A Plan for Real Representation in America Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. 290 Pp. $22.95 (Paper). [REVIEW] Political Theory 37 (6):838-844.
  11. Holly Smith Goldman (1981). Two Concepts of Democracy. In Norman Bowie (ed.), Ethical Issues in Government. Temple University Press.
  12. Philip Green & Drucilla Cornell (2005). Rethinking Democratic Theory: The American Case. Journal of Social Philosophy 36 (4):517–535.
  13. Alexander A. Guerrero (2010). The Paradox of Voting and the Ethics of Political Representation. Philosophy and Public Affairs 38 (3):272-306.
  14. Nathan Hanna (2009). An Argument for Voting Abstention. Public Affairs Quarterly 23 (4):279-286.
    I argue that voting abstention may be obligatory under certain non-trivial conditions. Following recent work on voting ethics, I argue that the obligation to abstain under certain conditions follows from a duty not to vote badly. Whether one votes badly, however, turns on more than one's reasons for wanting a particular candidate elected or policy implemented. On my account, one's reasons for voting at all also matter, and one can be in a position where there is no way to exercise (...)
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  15. Russell Hardin (2002). Street-Level Epistemology and Democratic Participation. Journal of Political Philosophy 10 (2):212–229.
  16. Brian G. Henning (2007). Representative Democracy: Principles and Genealogy. Review of Metaphysics 61 (1):164-166.
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  17. L. J. Hume (1985). Jeremy Bentham and Representative Democracy. A Study of the 'Constitutional Code'. Journal of the History of Philosophy 23 (3):444-445.
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  18. Tvrtko Jolic (2014). Climate Change and Human Moral Enhancement. In Mladen Domazet & Dinka Marinovic Jerolimov (eds.), Sustainability Perspectives from the European Semi-periphery. Institute for social research. 79-91.
    In this article I discuss a recent proposal according to which human beings are in need of moral enhancement by novel biomedical means in order to reduce the risk of catastrophes that could threaten the very possibility of continued human existence on this planet. I raise two objections to this proposal. The first objection claims that the idea that human beings could be morally enhanced by altering our emotional psychological inclinations, such as altruism, is misguided. In the line with Kantian (...)
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  19. George Kateb (1981). The Moral Distinctiveness of Representative Democracy. Ethics 91 (3):357-374.
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  20. Evelyn Keyes (2003). Representative Democracy and the Public Trust. Philosophy in the Contemporary World 10 (1):29-35.
    The “Idea of Intrinsic Equality” is central to democracy, but in what respects are persons intrinsically equal, and what requirements, if any, does their equality impose on a process for making collective decisions? This paper seeks to answer that question with respect to our own representative democracy. It examines three theories of collective decision-making that arguably characterize the democratic process under the United States Constitution. It concludes that, while all preserve the Idea of Intrinsic Equality in the election of representatives (...)
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  21. Annabelle Lever (2013). Democracy and Lay Participation: The Case of NICE. In Henry Kipppin Gerry Stoker (ed.), The Future of Public Service Reform. bloomsbury academic press.
    What is the role of lay deliberation – if any – in health-care rationing, and administration more generally? Two potential answers are suggested by recent debates on the subject. The one, which I will call the technocratic answer, suggests that there is no distinctive role for lay participation once ordinary democratic politics have set the goals and priorities which reform should implement. Determining how best to achieve those ends, and then actually achieving them, this view suggests, is a matter for (...)
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  22. Annabelle Lever (2007). Democracy and Judicial Review: Are They Really Incompatible? Public Law:280-298.
    This article shows that judicial review has a democratic justification even though judges may be no better at protecting rights than legislatures. That justification is procedural, not consequentialist: reflecting the ability of judicial review to express and protect citizen’s interests in political participation, political equality, political representation and political accountability. The point of judicial review is to symbolize and give expression to the authority of citizens over their governors, not to reflect the wisdom, trustworthiness or competence of judges and legislators. (...)
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  23. Annabelle Lever (2007). Mill and the Secret Ballot: Beyond Coercion and Corruption. Utilitas 19 (3):354-378.
    In Considerations on Representative Government, John Stuart Mill concedes that secrecy in voting is often justified but, nonetheless, maintains that it should be the exception rather than the rule. This paper critically examines Mill’s arguments. It shows that Mill’s idea of voting depends on a sharp public/private distinction which is difficult to square with democratic ideas about the different powers and responsibilities of voters and their representatives, or with legitimate differences of belief and interest amongst voters themselves. Hence, it concludes, (...)
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  24. Sofia Näsström (2011). Where is the Representative Turn Going? European Journal of Political Theory 10 (4):501-510.
  25. Martha Nussbaum (2006). Spaces of Democracy: Geographical Perspectives on Citizenship, Participation and Representation. Contemporary Political Theory 5 (2):224-226.
  26. John O'Neill, Representing People, Representing Nature, Representing the World.
    Problems of representation lie at the centre of recent experiments in deliberative democracy. The problems are not primarily social scientific questions concerning the statistical representiveness of small-scale deliberative institutions but normative questions about their political and ethical legitimacy. Experiments in deliberative democracy often rely for their representative legitimacy on appeals to the presence of members of different groups. However, they often do so without clear sources of authorisation and accountability from those represented. The representation of nonhumans and future generations in (...)
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  27. M. Oakeshott (1995). The Masses in a Representative Democracy. In Julia Stapleton (ed.), Group Rights: Perspectives Since 1900. Thoemmes Press.
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  28. Kari Palonen (2008). Imagining Max Weber's Reply to Hannah Arendt: Remarks on the Arendtian Critique of Representative Democracy. Constellations 15 (1):56-71.
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  29. Ricardo Restrepo, Representación Democrática, Reglas de Decisión y la Constitución.
    Este artículo brinda algunas respuestas y alternativas a ciertos problemas y propuestas en el área de la teoría democrática. El ensayo tiene como enfoque la cuestión de distinguir sistemas que pueden parecer democráticos sin serlo de sistemas realmente democráticos. Develando algunos actores disfrazados del discurso democrático en América Latina, el artículo argumenta que es preferible la regla de la mayoría como base para la identificación del bien común por medio del interés general, que reglas de minorías, consentimiento total o bases (...)
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  30. Ricardo Restrepo, Maria Helena Carbonell, Paúl Cisneros, Miguel Ruiz, John Antón, Antonio Salamanca & Natally Soria (eds.) (forthcoming). Pugna de poderes, crisis orgánica e independencia judicial. IAEN.
    This work, in English "Struggle for power, organic crisis and judicial independence", has its origin in research academics of the IAEN carried out to provide expert advise to the Inter American Court of Human Rights in the case Quintana and others (Supreme Court of Justice) vs the State of Ecuador. The research is about the nature of the evolution of the ecuadorian state, the dynamics of its institutions, its players, parties, laws, its factors of instability, the way rights have been (...)
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  31. David T. Risser (2003). The Moral Problem of Nonvoting. Journal of Social Philosophy 34 (3):348–363.
    The meaning and moral implications of voting and nonvoting in a representative democracy are outlined and discussed. A conception of voting as a forward-looking, conditional shared responsibility is developed and defended. This conception reflects an understanding of democratic politics in which the supreme strategic advantage is power to affect "the conflict of conflicts", that is, the ability to influence the shape and content of the dominant political agenda. This conception is also shown to support a consequentialist approach to distributive justice (...)
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  32. Michael Saward (2010). The Representative Claim. OUP Oxford.
    The Representative Claim is set to transform our core assumptions about what representation is and can be. At a time when political representation is widely believed to be in crisis, the book provides a timely and critical corrective to conventional wisdom on the present and potential future of representative democracy.
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  33. Andrew Schaap (2012). Critical Exchange on Michael Saward's The Representative Claim. Contemporary Political Theory 11 (1):109-127.
  34. Andrew S. Schwartz (2000). Equality, Exclusion, and Political Representation. Social Philosophy Today 15:361-377.
  35. Robert Keith Shaw (2009). The Nature of Democratic Decision Making and the Democratic Panacea. Policy Futures in Education 7 (3):340-348.
    'Democracy thrives because it helps individuals identify with the society of which they are members and because it provides for legitimate decision-making and exercise of power.' With this statement, the Council of Europe raises for us some fundamental questions: what is the practice of democracy, its merits and its limitations? A phenomenological insight into democracy as it displays itself indicates that its essence is decision making by vote. The strength of this mechanism is that it operates without a requirement for (...)
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  36. Robert Keith Shaw (2009). The Phenomenology of Democracy. Policy Futures in Education 7 (3):340-348.
    Human beings originate votes, and democracy constitutes decisions. This is the essence of democracy. A phenomenological analysis of the vote and of the decision reveals for us the inherent strength of democracy and its deficiencies. Alexis de Tocqueville pioneered this form of enquiry into democracy and produced positive results from it. Unfortunately, his phenomenological method was inadequate and he missed the essential core of his 'associative art'. The frequent association of democracy with rationality misleads us about its nature and its (...)
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  37. Robert Keith Shaw (2007). The Peculiar Place of Enlightenment Ideals in the Governance Concept of Citizenship and Democracy. In Michael Peters, Harry Blee, Penny Enslin & Alan Britton (eds.), Global Citizenship Education. SENSE Publishers.
    This chapter examines a foundational democratic practice by considering how it expresses concepts of the Enlightenment. The practice is that of the vote or plebiscite as it appears in governance. The leading enlightenment concept is rationality as it is expounded by Kant. Kant did not participate in national democratic processes. He expected decisions of any consequence to be made in Berlin and thrived when his City was invaded by the Russians and their officers became his students, until they left suddenly (...)
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  38. Marco Solinas (2009). Review of Hauke Brunkhorst, Habermas. [REVIEW] Iride (56):253-254.
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  39. Uwe Steinhoff (2012). Why ‘We’ Are Not Harming the Global Poor: A Critique of Pogge’s Leap From State to Individual Responsibility. Public Reason 4 (1-2):119-138.
    Thomas Pogge claims “that, by shaping and enforcing the social conditions that foreseeably and avoidably cause the monumental suffering of global poverty, we are harming the global poor – or, to put it more descriptively, we are active participants in the largest, though not the gravest, crime against humanity ever committed.” In other words, he claims that by upholding certain international arrangements we are violating our strong negative duties not to harm, and not just some (perhaps much weaker) positive duties (...)
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  40. Simon Thompson (2012). Making Representations: Comments on Michael Saward's' the Representative Claim'. Contemporary Political Theory 11 (1):111-114.
  41. Mary Walsh (2006). Spaces of Democracy: Geographical Perspectives on Citizenship, Participation and Representation. Contemporary Political Theory 5 (2):224.
  42. Jonathan Waskan (1998). De Facto Legitimacy and Popular Will. Social Theory and Practice 24 (1):25-56.
  43. Wim Weymans (2005). Freedom Through Political Representation Lefort, Gauchet and Rosanvallon on the Relationship Between State and Society. European Journal of Political Theory 4 (3):263-282.
  44. Alex Zakaras (2010). Lot and Democratic Representation: A Modest Proposal. Constellations 17 (3):455-471.
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