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  1. Arash Abizadeh (2005). Democratic Elections Without Campaigns? Normative Foundations of National Baha'i Elections. World Order 37 (1):7-49.
    National Baha’i elections, conducted world-wide without nominations, competitive campaigns, or parties, challenge the emerging consensus that the only truly democratic elections are multiparty elections in which each party’s candidates compete freely for votes. National Baha’i electoral institutions are based on three core values: respect for the inherent dignity of each person, the unity and solidarity of persons collectively, and the justice and fairness of institutions. While liberal political philosophy interprets respect for dignity exclusively in terms of equality and freedom, the (...)
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  2. Martin Odei Ajei (2016). Kwasi Wiredu’s Consensual Democracy: Prospects for Practice in Africa. European Journal of Political Theory 15 (4):445-466.
    A political challenge facing constitutional democracies in Africa is the lack of adequate representation and participation of citizens in democratic processes and institutions. This challenge is manifest in the vesting of power solely in, and the exercise of this power by, a sectional group – the majority party – to the exclusion of others; as evinced in the liberal democratic systems extensively practised on the continent. Wiredu proposes as a solution to these challenges the adoption of consensual democracy; an indigenous, (...)
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  3. L. Alexander (2003). Is Judicial Review Democratic? A Comment on Harel. Law and Philosophy 22 (s 3-4):277-283.
  4. Larry Alexander (2007). What is the Problem of Judicial Review? In José Rubio Carrecedo (ed.), Political Philosophy: New Proposals for New Questions: Proceedings of the 22nd Ivr World Congress, Granada 2005, Volume Ii = Filosofía Política: Nuevas Propuestas Para Nuevas Cuestiones. Franz Steiner Verlag
  5. Veit Bader (2014). Crisis of Political Parties and Representative Democracies: Rethinking Parties in Associational, Experimentalist Governance. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (3):350-376.
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  6. Ludvig Beckman (2008). Democratic Inclusion, Law, and Causes. Ratio Juris 21 (3):348-364.
    Abstract. In this article two conceptions of what it means to say that all affected persons should be granted the right to vote in democratic elections are distinguished and evaluated. It is argued that understanding "affected" in legal terms, as referring to the circle of people bound by political decisions, has many advantages compared to the view referring to everyone affected in mere causal terms. The importance of jurisdictions in deciding rights to democratic influence should hence be recognized more clearly (...)
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  7. Cassio Correa Benjamin (2008). Schmitt and the Problem of Democracy. Nostalgia of Transcedence and Representation as a Search for Democracy. Kriterion: Journal of Philosophy 49 (118):417-441.
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  8. Matthew J. Brown (2010). Mark B. Brown.Science in Democracy: Expertise, Institutions, and Representation. Xiii + 354 Pp., Bibls., Index. Cambridge, Mass./London: MIT Press, 2009. $28. [REVIEW] Isis 101 (3):686-687.
  9. Al Carthill (1928). Rods and Axes. London, W. Blackwood & Sons Ltd..
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  10. Roberto Casati & Achille C. Varzi (2008). Voti e altri buchi elettorali. Rivista di Estetica 48 (37):169-194.
    A philosophical dialogue on the functioning, the limits, and the paradoxes of our electoral practices, dealing with such basic questions as: What is a vote? How do we count votes? And do votes really count?
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  11. Erik Oddvar Eriksen & John Erik Fossum (2012). Representation Through Deliberation – The European Case. Constellations 19 (2):325-339.
  12. Thomas Fossen & Bert van den Brink (2015). Electoral Dioramas: On the Problem of Representation in Voting Advice Applications. Representation 51 (3):341-358.
    Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) are online tools designed to help citizens decide how to vote. They typically offer their users a representation of what is at stake in an election by matching user preferences on issues with those of parties or candidates. While the use of VAAs has boomed in recent years in both established and new democracies, this new phenomenon in the electoral landscape has received little attention from political theorists. The current academic debate is focused on epistemic aspects (...)
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  13. Richard Fralin (1978). The Evolution of Rousseau's View of Representative Government. Political Theory 6 (4):517-536.
  14. Alin Fumurescu (2011). Lost in Translation: Centripetal Individualism and the Classical Concept of Descending Representation. European Journal of Political Theory 10 (2):156-176.
    The article argues that by the 17th century, despite the increased intellectual exchanges of the time, two different kind of individualism were developing across the Channel — one labeled here as ‘centripetal’, the other one as ‘centrifugal’. On the French side, one witnesses a focus on forum internum, as the only site of uniqueness and authenticity. On the British side, the emphasis switched to forum externum and the equality of wills. The article explores the consequences of these different self-apprehensions of (...)
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  15. H. K. Gerken (2009). Making Representative Democracy Work: Andrew Rehfeld . The Concept of Constituency: Political Representation, Democratic Legitimacy, and Institutional Design New York: Cambridge University Press. 259 Pp. $88 . Kevin O'Leary . Saving Democracy: A Plan for Real Representation in America Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. 290 Pp. $22.95. [REVIEW] Political Theory 37 (6):838-844.
  16. Heather K. Gerken (2009). Making Representative Democracy Work. [REVIEW] Political Theory 37 (6):838 - 844.
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  17. Ludovico Geymonat (forthcoming). La funzione del parlamento. (l'Unità).
  18. Holly Smith Goldman (1981). Two Concepts of Democracy. In Norman Bowie (ed.), Ethical Issues in Government. Temple University Press
  19. Philip Green & Drucilla Cornell (2005). Rethinking Democratic Theory: The American Case. Journal of Social Philosophy 36 (4):517–535.
  20. Alexander A. Guerrero (2015). On Marie Collins Swabey’s “Publicity and Measurement”. Ethics 125 (2):555-558,.
  21. Alexander A. Guerrero (2014). Against Elections: The Lottocratic Alternative. Philosophy and Public Affairs 42 (2):135-178.
  22. Alexander A. Guerrero (2013). Coercion, Political Accountability, and Voter Ignorance: The Mistaken Medicaid Expansion Ruling in Nfib V. Sebelius. Public Affairs Quarterly 27 (3).
  23. Alexander A. Guerrero (2010). The Paradox of Voting and the Ethics of Political Representation. Philosophy and Public Affairs 38 (3):272-306.
  24. Nathan Hanna (2009). An Argument for Voting Abstention. Public Affairs Quarterly 23 (4):279-286.
    I argue that voting abstention may be obligatory under certain non-trivial conditions. Following recent work on voting ethics, I argue that the obligation to abstain under certain conditions follows from a duty not to vote badly. Whether one votes badly, however, turns on more than one's reasons for wanting a particular candidate elected or policy implemented. On my account, one's reasons for voting at all also matter, and one can be in a position where there is no way to exercise (...)
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  25. Russell Hardin (2002). Street-Level Epistemology and Democratic Participation. Journal of Political Philosophy 10 (2):212–229.
  26. Brian G. Henning (2007). Representative Democracy: Principles and Genealogy. [REVIEW] Review of Metaphysics 61 (1):164-166.
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  27. L. J. Hume (1985). Jeremy Bentham and Representative Democracy. A Study of the 'Constitutional Code'. Journal of the History of Philosophy 23 (3):444-445.
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  28. Tvrtko Jolic (2014). Climate Change and Human Moral Enhancement. In Mladen Domazet & Dinka Marinovic Jerolimov (eds.), Sustainability Perspectives from the European Semi-periphery. Institute for Social Research 79-91.
    In this article I discuss a recent proposal according to which human beings are in need of moral enhancement by novel biomedical means in order to reduce the risk of catastrophes that could threaten the very possibility of continued human existence on this planet. I raise two objections to this proposal. The first objection claims that the idea that human beings could be morally enhanced by altering our emotional psychological inclinations, such as altruism, is misguided. In the line with Kantian (...)
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  29. George Kateb (1981). The Moral Distinctiveness of Representative Democracy. Ethics 91 (3):357-374.
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  30. Evelyn Keyes (2003). Representative Democracy and the Public Trust. Philosophy in the Contemporary World 10 (1):29-35.
    The “Idea of Intrinsic Equality” is central to democracy, but in what respects are persons intrinsically equal, and what requirements, if any, does their equality impose on a process for making collective decisions? This paper seeks to answer that question with respect to our own representative democracy. It examines three theories of collective decision-making that arguably characterize the democratic process under the United States Constitution. It concludes that, while all preserve the Idea of Intrinsic Equality in the election of representatives (...)
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  31. Loren King (2015). Hopeful Losers? A Moral Case for Mixed Electoral Systems. Les Ateliers de l'Éthique / the Ethics Forum 10 (2):107-121.
    Loren King | : Liberal democracies encourage citizen participation and protect our freedoms, yet these regimes elect politicians and decide important issues with electoral and legislative systems that are less inclusive than other arrangements. Some citizens inevitably have more influence than others. Is this a problem? Yes, because similarly just but more inclusive systems are possible. Political theorists and philosophers should be arguing for particular institutional forms, with particular geographies, consistent with justice. | : Les démocraties libérales encouragent la participation (...)
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  32. Annabelle Lever (2013). Democracy and Lay Participation: The Case of NICE. In Henry Kipppin Gerry Stoker (ed.), The Future of Public Service Reform. Bloomsbury Academic Press
    What is the role of lay deliberation – if any – in health-care rationing, and administration more generally? Two potential answers are suggested by recent debates on the subject. The one, which I will call the technocratic answer, suggests that there is no distinctive role for lay participation once ordinary democratic politics have set the goals and priorities which reform should implement. Determining how best to achieve those ends, and then actually achieving them, this view suggests, is a matter for (...)
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  33. Annabelle Lever (2007). Mill and the Secret Ballot: Beyond Coercion and Corruption. Utilitas 19 (3):354-378.
    In Considerations on Representative Government, John Stuart Mill concedes that secrecy in voting is often justified but, nonetheless, maintains that it should be the exception rather than the rule. This paper critically examines Mill’s arguments. It shows that Mill’s idea of voting depends on a sharp public/private distinction which is difficult to square with democratic ideas about the different powers and responsibilities of voters and their representatives, or with legitimate differences of belief and interest amongst voters themselves. Hence, it concludes, (...)
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  34. Annabelle Lever (2007). Democracy and Judicial Review: Are They Really Incompatible? Public Law:280-298.
    This article shows that judicial review has a democratic justification even though judges may be no better at protecting rights than legislatures. That justification is procedural, not consequentialist: reflecting the ability of judicial review to express and protect citizen’s interests in political participation, political equality, political representation and political accountability. The point of judicial review is to symbolize and give expression to the authority of citizens over their governors, not to reflect the wisdom, trustworthiness or competence of judges and legislators. (...)
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  35. C. Michael Liberato, Human Visibility and Democratic Space.
    This paper is on the meaning of egalitarian relationships within democratic spaces. But it is more of an exploratory work than analytical. I propose that we rethink the way we understand democratic relationships and suggest that the notion of human visibility is much more critical for designing our social institutions than are principles of organizing equal participation. -/- By distinguishing between conditions of public order and conditions of public visibility, I hope to show that the problem of democratic stability (and (...)
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  36. Reidar Maliks (2009). Acting Through Others: Kant and the Exercise View of Representation. Public Reason 1 (1):9-26.
    Democratic theorists are usually dismissive about the idea that citizens act “through” their representatives and often hold persons to exercise true political agency only at intervals in elections. Yet, if we want to understand representative government as a proper form of democracy and not just a periodical selection of elites, continuous popular agency must be a feature of representation. This article explores the Kantian attempt to justify that people can act “through” representatives. I call this the “exercise view” of representation (...)
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  37. Corrado Morricone (2015). Democratic Statecraft: Political Realism and Popular Power by J.S. Maloy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013. 236pp., £18.99, ISBN 978 0 521 14558 9. [REVIEW] Political Studies Review 13 (1):92-93.
  38. Sofia Näsström (2011). Where is the Representative Turn Going? European Journal of Political Theory 10 (4):501-510.
  39. María G. Navarro, Dinámica comunitaria y deliberativa en primarias abiertas.
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  40. María G. Navarro (2016). Consensuar y disentir en un modelo de democracia contestataria. Revista de Filosofía Conceptos 8:110-127.
    The relationship between the necessity to ensure that information is shared in the stages of deliberation and the overcoming of what Dryzek (2001) called constriction of deliberative economy is directly related to the proponents and opponents’ propensity to submit and add information differently, in a plural manner. This article describes the salient features of the deliberative turn in order to defend that this propensity is not individual. The evolution of the public space in science and in politics are both paradigmatic (...)
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  41. Martha Nussbaum (2006). Spaces of Democracy: Geographical Perspectives on Citizenship, Participation and Representation. Contemporary Political Theory 5 (2):224-226.
  42. John O'Neill, Representing People, Representing Nature, Representing the World.
    Problems of representation lie at the centre of recent experiments in deliberative democracy. The problems are not primarily social scientific questions concerning the statistical representiveness of small-scale deliberative institutions but normative questions about their political and ethical legitimacy. Experiments in deliberative democracy often rely for their representative legitimacy on appeals to the presence of members of different groups. However, they often do so without clear sources of authorisation and accountability from those represented. The representation of nonhumans and future generations in (...)
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  43. M. Oakeshott (1995). The Masses in a Representative Democracy. In Julia Stapleton (ed.), Group Rights: Perspectives Since 1900. Thoemmes Press
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  44. Kari Palonen (2008). Imagining Max Weber's Reply to Hannah Arendt: Remarks on the Arendtian Critique of Representative Democracy. Constellations 15 (1):56-71.
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  45. John R. Pottenger (2016). Intellectual Foundation and Political Construction of American Religious Pluralism. In Barbara A. McGraw (ed.), The Wiley-Blackwell Companion to Religion and Politics in the U.S. Wiley-Blackwell Ch 2.
  46. Ricardo Restrepo, Representación Democrática, Reglas de Decisión y la Constitución.
    Este artículo brinda algunas respuestas y alternativas a ciertos problemas y propuestas en el área de la teoría democrática. El ensayo tiene como enfoque la cuestión de distinguir sistemas que pueden parecer democráticos sin serlo de sistemas realmente democráticos. Develando algunos actores disfrazados del discurso democrático en América Latina, el artículo argumenta que es preferible la regla de la mayoría como base para la identificación del bien común por medio del interés general, que reglas de minorías, consentimiento total o bases (...)
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  47. Ricardo Restrepo, Maria Helena Carbonell, Paúl Cisneros, Miguel Ruiz, John Antón, Antonio Salamanca & Natally Soria (eds.) (2014). Pugna de poderes, crisis orgánica e independencia judicial. IAEN.
    This work, in English "Struggle for power, organic crisis and judicial independence", has its origin in research academics of the IAEN carried out to provide expert advise to the Inter American Court of Human Rights in the case Quintana and others (Supreme Court of Justice) vs the State of Ecuador. The research is about the nature of the evolution of the ecuadorian state, the dynamics of its institutions, its players, parties, laws, its factors of instability, the way rights have been (...)
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  48. Restrepo Ricardo, Representación Democrática, Reglas de Decisión y la Constitución.
    Este artículo brinda algunas respuestas y alternativas a ciertos problemas y propuestas en el área de la teoría democrática. El ensayo tiene como enfoque la cuestión de distinguir sistemas que pueden parecer democráticos sin serlo de sistemas realmente democráticos. Develando algunos actores disfrazados del discurso democrático en América Latina, el artículo argumenta que es preferible la regla de la mayoría como base para la identificación del bien común por medio del interés general, que reglas de minorías, consentimiento total o bases (...)
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  49. Iñigo Gonzalez Ricoy (2012). Depoliticising the Polls: Voting Abstention and Moral Disagreement. POLITICS 32 (1):46-51.
  50. David T. Risser (2003). The Moral Problem of Nonvoting. Journal of Social Philosophy 34 (3):348–363.
    The meaning and moral implications of voting and nonvoting in a representative democracy are outlined and discussed. A conception of voting as a forward-looking, conditional shared responsibility is developed and defended. This conception reflects an understanding of democratic politics in which the supreme strategic advantage is power to affect "the conflict of conflicts", that is, the ability to influence the shape and content of the dominant political agenda. This conception is also shown to support a consequentialist approach to distributive justice (...)
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