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  1. Peter Amato (2011). Decentering and Refocusing Marx. Radical Philosophy Review 14 (2):217-221.
  2. Clifford Anderberg (1980). The Political Philosophy of the American Revolution. By Aldo Tassi. Modern Schoolman 57 (2):193-194.
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  3. Richard Ashcraft (1980). Revolutionary Politics and John Locke's Two Treatises. Political Theory 8.
    'It would ... be a pity if the sketch of religious controversy in the 1670s contained in Richard Ashcraft's bold and exhilarating attempt to reconstruct the argument and intellectual framework of Locke's political thinking and activity should be thought to represent the entire debate accurately.' (Spurr 1988, 567 n. 17).
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  4. Stefan Auer (2004). The Paradoxes of the Revolutions of 1989 in Central Europe. Critical Horizons 5 (1):361-390.
    The self-limiting revolutions of 1989 in Central Europe offer an alternative paradigm of revolutionary change that is reminiscent more of the American struggle for independence in 1776 than the Jacobin tendencies that grew out of the French Revolution of 1789. In order to understand the contradictory impulses of the revolutions of 1989—the desire for a radical renewal and the concern for preservation—this article takes as its point of departure the political thought of Hannah Arendt and Edmund Burke.
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  5. Shlomo Avineri (1976). How to Save Marx From the Alchemists of Revolution. Political Theory 4 (1):35 - 44.
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  6. Gideon Baker (2013). The Revolution Is Dissent Reconciling Agamben and Badiou on Paul. Political Theory 41 (2):312-335.
    Underlying Giorgio Agamben’s and Alain Badiou’s disagreement over the apostle Paul we find common cause: following Paul’s deactivation of law, both Agamben and Badiou see the fixed identities necessary to the naturalised nomos of State politics as transfigured by a politics of grace. This transfiguration is differently rendered as either the emergence of a universal subject (Badiou) or the opening up of existing subjectivities (Agamben), but both the messianic vocation in Agamben and the universal subject in Badiou allow subjective possibility (...)
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  7. Étienne Balibar (2007). Uprisings in the Banlieues. Constellations 14 (1):47-71.
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  8. Mohammed A. Bamyeh (2013). Anarchist Method, Liberal Intention, Authoritarian Lesson: The Arab Spring Between Three Enlightenments. Constellations 20 (2):188-202.
  9. Hossein Bashiriyeh (2010). Counter-Revolution and Revolt in Iran: An Interview with Iranian Political Scientist Hossein Bashiriyeh. Constellations 17 (1):61-77.
  10. Anthony Bogues (1999). Revolution, Consciousness and the Political Party. Clr James Journal 7 (1):142-150.
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  11. Gildo Marçal Brandão (forthcoming). O Revolucionário da Ordem (O Brasil E a América Latina Em Oliveiros S. Ferreira). Kriterion (48).
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  12. Krzysztof Brzechczyn (2012). On Courage of Actions and Cowardice of Thinking: Leszek Nowak on the Provincialism of the Political Thought of Solidarność. In Krzysztof Brzechczyn & Katarzyna Paprzycka (eds.), Thinking about Provincialism in Thinking. Rodopi. 217-234.
    In the opinion of many Western observers (e.g. Timothy Garton Ash) as well as Polish authors (e.g., Zdzisław Kransnodębski), the political thought of Solidarność was a mixture of ideas taken from different ideological traditions (right and left). What, in the aforementioned authors opinion, was a reason for pride was an object of criticism by Leszek Nowak, the eminent Polish philosopher, engaged in the movement. One of his most important charges against the political thought of this movement was its intellectual provincialism (...)
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  13. Krzysztof Brzechczyn (2009). In the Trap of Post-Socialist Stagnation: On Political Development of the Belarusian Society in the Years 1986-2006. In Tadeusz Buksiński (ed.), Democracy in Western and Post-Communist Countries. Twenty Years after the Fall of Communism. Peter Lang.
    The aim of this paper is to analyze the political development of the Belarusian society in the years 1986–2006 in order to answer the following questions: (i) what was the impact of support the nomenclature of the Belarusian Communist Party gave to the Belarusian independence after August 1991 on the process of decrease in power regulation (or in other words – democratization), (ii) why initial period of decrease in power regulation was replaced by its growth and (iii) why this growth (...)
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  14. Krzysztof Brzechczyn (2008). On the Process of Liberation of the Baltic Countries From the Soviet Domination in Years 1985-1991: Attempt at a Model. In Marek Rutkowski (ed.), Relacje nowych krajów Unii Europejskiej z Federacją Rosyjską (w aspekcie politycznym, ekonomicznym, kulturowym i społecznym). Wyższa Szkoła Finansów i Zarządzania w Białymstoku.
    The aim of this paper is to analyze the beginnings and growth of civil movements in the Baltic republics in years 1985-1991, which led to their state independence. Proces of liberation of Baltic societies will be analyzed according to the following criteria: size and range of the civil movement and forms of its institutionalization (i), political concession made by republican authorities (ii) and level of control over the republican structure of power exercised by the civil movements (iii). Finally, I will (...)
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  15. Krzysztof Brzechczyn (2007). Between Limited Democratisation and Limited Autocratisation. Political Development of the Ukrainian Society. In Roman Kozłowski & Karolina M. Cern (eds.), Etyka a współczesność [Ethics and Modernity]. Adam Mickiewicz University Press.
    The aim of this paper is to present political development of the Ukrainian society in years 1991-2004 in the light of conceptual apparatus of non-Marxian historical materialism.
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  16. Krzysztof Brzechczyn (2007). Paths to Democracy of the Post-Soviet Republics: Attempt at Conceptualization. In Ewa Czerwińska-Schupp (ed.), Values and Norms in the Age of Globalization. Peter Lang. 1--30.
    The paper conceptualizes five basic developmental paths the post-Soviet republics followed. The conceptual framework of this paper is expanded theory of real socialism in non-Marxian historical materialism, namely proposed the model of secession from socialist empire. The first developmental path was followed by societies in which an independent civil revolution took place. This path of development bifurcates into two furhter sub-variants. Namely civil revolutions in the Baltic republics (Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia) resulted in the independence and stable democracies. Civil revolution in (...)
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  17. Allen Buchanan (2013). The Ethics of Revolution and Its Implications for the Ethics of Intervention. Philosophy and Public Affairs 41 (4):291-323.
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  18. Allen Buchanan (1979). Revolutionary Motivation and Rationality. Philosophy and Public Affairs 9 (1):59-82.
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  19. Lisa Curtis-Wendlandt (2012). No Right to Resist? Elise Reimarus's "Freedom" as a Kantian Response to the Problem of Violent Revolt. Hypatia 27 (4):755 - 773.
    One of the greatest woman intellectuals of eighteenth-century Germany is Elise Reimarus, whose contribution to Enlightenment political theory is rarely acknowledged today. Unlike other social contract theorists, Reimarus rejects a people's right to violent resistance or revolution in her philosophical dialogue Freedom (1791). Exploring the arguments in Freedom, this paper observes a number of similarities in the political thought of Elise Reimarus and Immanuel Kant. Both, I suggest, reject violence as an illegitimate response to perceived political injustice in a way (...)
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  20. Mervyn D'Souza (1978). A Second Look at Aspects of Gandhi's Theory of Non-Violence. Journal of Social Philosophy 9 (2):11-14.
  21. Lisa Disch (2011). How Could Hannah Arendt Glorify the American Revolution and Revile the French? Placing On Revolution in the Historiography of the French and American Revolutions. European Journal of Political Theory 10 (3):350-371.
    This article situates Hannah Arendt’s On Revolution in the traditions of French and American revolutionary historiography to demonstrate that Arendt’s ‘fable’ of the American Revolution was at odds with her argument about the council form. I argue that had Arendt really wanted to inspire a resurrection of the council form in the present, she would have done better to orient her readers to the French Revolution, specifically to the experiments in democratic republicanism of the group known as the Girondins.
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  22. Raluca Eddon (2006). Arendt, Scholem, Benjamin Between Revolution and Messianism. European Journal of Political Theory 5 (3):261-279.
    Walter Benjamin’s idiosyncratic theory of revolutionary messianism was at the very crux of his influence on Hannah Arendt and Gershom Scholem. This article argues that Arendt adopted important aspects of Benjamin’s idea of revolution, but rejected his messianism, while Scholem rejected Benjamin’s belief in revolution and accepted his emphasis on the power of messianism as a political idea, but in a historical rather than metaphysical sense. As a result, in Arendt’s and Scholem’s political thought both the category of revolution and (...)
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  23. S. N. Eisenstadt (2005). Religious Origins of Modern Radicalism. Theoria 44 (106):51-80.
    It is the major argument of this essay that the roots of modern Jacobinism in their different manifestations are to be found in the transformation of the visions with strong Gnostic components and which sought to bring the Kingdom of God to earth and which were often promulgated in medieval and early modern European Christianity by different heterodox sects. The transformation of these visions as it took place above all in the Great Revolutions, in the English Civil War and especially (...)
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  24. Hanford Wentworth Eldredge (1964). The Second American Revolution. New York, Morrow.
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  25. Clyde Frazier (1972). Between Obedience and Revolution. Philosophy and Public Affairs 1 (3):315-334.
  26. Michael Freeman (1978). Edmund Burke and the Theory of Revolution. Political Theory 6 (3):277-297.
  27. Tom Frost (2013). The Hyper-Hermeneutic Gesture of a Subtle Revolution. Critical Horizons 14 (1):70-92.
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  28. Nicholas Gane (2005). The Party's Over: Blueprint for a Very English Revolution. Contemporary Political Theory 4 (3):334-336.
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  29. Alan Gilbert (1976). On Shlomo Avineri's "How to Save Marx From the Alchemists of Revolution". Political Theory 4 (3):369-371.
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  30. Jill Gordon (1995). By Any Means Necessary: John Locke and Malcolm X on the Right to Revolution. Journal of Social Philosophy 26 (1):53-85.
  31. Bruce Haddock (2006). Between Revolution and Reaction Vincenzo Cuoco's Saggio Storico. European Journal of Political Theory 5 (1):22-33.
    The article focuses on Vincenzo Cuoco’s attempt to learn theoretical and political lessons from the failed Neapolitan Revolution of 1799. His Saggio storico sought to steer a course between revolution and reaction, arguing that practical reforms should be couched in terms that reflected traditional understandings within Neapolitan popular culture. He highlighted the responsibility of political leaders to shape popular culture rather than to impose ‘ideal’ solutions to political questions. The position he espoused (linking normative political theory to historical context) became (...)
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  32. Adil Ahmad Haque (2013). The Revolution and the Criminal Law. Criminal Law and Philosophy 7 (2):231-253.
    Egyptians had many reasons to overthrow the government of Hosni Mubarak, and to challenge the legitimacy of the interim military government. Strikingly, among the leading reasons for the uprising and for continued protest are reasons grounded in criminal justice. Reflection on this dimension of the Egyptian uprising invites a broader examination of the relationship between criminal justice and political legitimacy. While criminal justice is neither necessary nor sufficient for political legitimacy, criminal injustice substantially undermines political legitimacy and can provide independent (...)
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  33. Dick Howard (2008). Reading Arendt's on Revolution After the Fall of the Wall. Veritas 53 (1).
    The article revisits Hannah Arendt’s On Revolution and the historical events of the American revolution so as to recast what Arendt called “the age’s problems”. Although every political actor claims that its policies are the incarnation of the united will of the nation in a democracy, the door to antipolitics is opened if the symbolic – and therefore contested – nature of the sovereign people is reduced to its temporary reality. That is the crucial lesson to be drawn still today (...)
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  34. David D. Laitin & Carolyn M. Warner (1992). Structure and Irony in Social Revolutions. Political Theory 20 (1):147-151.
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  35. Alasdair MacIntyre (2011). How Aristotelianism Can Become Revolutionary : Ethics, Resistance, and Utopia. In Paul Blackledge & Kelvin Knight (eds.), Virtue and Politics: Alasdair Macintyre's Revolutionary Aristotelianism. University of Notre Dame Press.
  36. Michael A. Mosher (1991). The Skeptic's Burke: Reflections on the Revolution in France, 1790-1990. Political Theory 19 (3):391-418.
    The world of contingency and political combination is much larger than we are apt to imagine.Edmund Burke.
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  37. Marie-Laurence Netter (2003). Raymond Aron and the French Revolution. European Journal of Political Theory 2 (4):373-382.
    After a short introduction, this article contains the text of a previously unpublished interview with Raymond Aron in which he discusses what he takes to be the significance and continuing importance, if any, of the French Revolution. In the course of the interview Aron discusses different interpretations of the Revolution. The interview took place in February 1983.
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  38. Michaela Rehm (2012). „The A. B. C. of Politicks“: Entstehungskontext und Rezeption von Lockes Zwei Abhandlungen über die Regierung. In Michaela Rehm & Bernd Ludwig (eds.), John Locke: „Zwei Abhandlungen über die Regierung“. Akademie-Verlag. 1-16.
    The paper is devoted to demonstrating the systematic value of the “Two Treatises of Government”. Even though their genesis is rooted in the political circumstances of Locke’s life-time, the “Treatises” are not simply a pamphlet designed to support the Whig cause, as Locke’s political ideas are derived from his theoretical philosophy and from his concept of natural law.
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  39. D. D. Roberts (2012). Questioning the Modern and Revolutionary Credentials of European Fascism. European Journal of Political Theory 11 (4):459-473.
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  40. David D. Roberts (2010). Fascism, Marxism, and the Question of Modern Revolution. European Journal of Political Theory 9 (2):183-201.
    Bitterly anti-Marxist though it was, fascism now appears to have been in some sense revolutionary in its own right, but this raises new questions about the meaning of modern revolution. In a recent essay Roger Griffin, a major authority on fascism, challenges Marxists and non-Marxists to engage in a dialogue that would deepen our understanding of the relationship between the Marxist-communist and fascist revolutionary directions. Although he finds openings within the Marxist tradition, Griffin insists that, if such dialogue is to (...)
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  41. R. Saage (2012). Fascism – Revolutionary Departure to an Alternative Modernity? A Response to Roger Griffin's 'Exploding the Continuum of History'. European Journal of Political Theory 11 (4):426-437.
    If one looks at the controversial premises of analytical approaches to fascism according to Roger Griffin, it is not surprising that a yawning distance has opened up between Marxist and non-Marxist schools of interpretation. In this situation whereby two camps are mutually ignorant of one another, it is certainly suggestive that the liberal British theoretician of fascism should put himself forward to play the role of a ‘mediator’, even if he faces the danger of significant criticism from both schools of (...)
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  42. James Schmidt (1998). Cabbage Heads and Gulps of Water: Hegel on the Terror. Political Theory 26 (1):4-32.
  43. Michael Henry Scrivener (2007). The Cosmopolitan Ideal in the Age of Revolution and Reaction, 1776-1832. Pickering & Chatto.
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  44. William Smith (2010). Reclaiming the Revolutionary Spirit Arendt on Civil Disobedience. European Journal of Political Theory 9 (2):149-166.
    This article examines Hannah Arendt’s bold and provocative proposal to institutionalize civil disobedience. First, I argue that the proposal follows from Arendt’s peculiar interpretation of this mode of protest. She sees it as an unexpected yet welcome echo of the revolutionary spirit that accompanied the foundation of the American republic. In seeking to bring civil disobedience into government, she aims to embed this spirit within the very institutional fabric of the polity. Second, I suggest that we have strong reasons to (...)
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  45. Chris W. Surprenant (2010). Minority Oppression and Justified Revolution. Journal of Social Philosophy 41 (4):442-453.
    This paper operates from the assumption that revolution is a legitimate tool for members of oppressed minority groups to secure their rights. I argue that this type of robust right of revolution cannot be derived from Locke’s justification of revolution in the Second Treatise. For Locke, revolution is justified when the government uses its power in a manner contrary to the principles on which the state was established. Whether or not an action is contrary to these principles is determined by (...)
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  46. François Tanguay-Renaud (2010). The Intelligibility of Extralegal State Action: A General Lesson for Debates on Public Emergencies and Legality. Legal Theory 16 (3):161-189.
    Some legal theorists deny that states can conceivably act extra-legally, in the sense of acting contrary to domestic law. This position finds its most robust articulation in the writings of Hans Kelsen, and has more recently been taken up by David Dyzenhaus in the context of his work on emergencies and legality. This paper seeks to demystify their arguments and, ultimately, contend that we can intelligibly speak of the state as a legal wrongdoer or a legally unauthorized actor.
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  47. Jules Townshend (2008). Politics on the Edges of Liberalism: Difference, Populism, Revolution, Agitation. Contemporary Political Theory 7 (3):343-349.
  48. Lori J. Underwood (2012). Cosmopolitanism and the Arab Spring: Foundations for the Decline of Terrorism. P. Lang.
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  49. K. Steven Vincent (2008). Review Article: Martin Malia and the European Revolutionary Tradition Martin Malia History's Locomotives: Revolutions and the Making of the Modern World, Edited with a Foreword by Terence Emmons, New Haven: Yale /Niversity Press, 2006. European Journal of Political Theory 7 (4):492-512.
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  50. Robert Wokler (1998). Contextualizing Hegel's Phenomenology of the French Revolution and the Terror. Political Theory 26 (1):33-55.
1 — 50 / 53