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  1. Wayne Ambler (1987). Aristotle on Nature and Politics: The Case of Slavery. Political Theory 15 (3):390-410.
  2. Barbara J. Ballard (2004). Frederick Douglass and the Ideology of Resistance. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 7 (4):51-75.
    Frederick Douglass (1818?1895) was the most significant African?American leader of the nineteenth century. Secretly acquiring literacy as a slave, he grew into a brilliant speaker whose essential genius was to articulate and impeach the ideologies of the day. Douglass was one of the foremost defenders of black emancipation and women?s rights. He developed a dual philosophy of resistance and integration. He taxed blacks with the need for self?reliance; he recalled whites to the justice of racial equality. Freedom would be won (...)
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  3. José D.’Assunção Barros (2008). Emancipacionismo E abolicionismoEmancipacionism and Abolicionism – a Debate in Brasil of Slavery. Cultura:199-231.
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  4. Paul Richard Blum (2013). I Felt so Tall Within: Anthroplogy in Slave Narratives. Annals of Cultural Studies (Roczniki Kulturoznawcze) 4 (2):21-39.
  5. L. Brace (2013). Inhuman Commerce: Anti-Slavery and the Ownership of Freedom. European Journal of Political Theory 12 (4):466-482.
    This article explores the British anti-slavery writings of the mid- to late 18th century, and the meanings which they gave to the idea of owning a property in the person. It addresses the construction of a particular moral and political landscape where freedom was understood as both a kind of property and as non-domination, and slavery was constructed as a form of theft, and as the exercise of arbitrary power. This created a complex moral space, where possession, commerce, savagery, tyranny (...)
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  6. Robin T. Byerly (2011). Combating Modern Slavery. Proceedings of the International Association for Business and Society 22:124-130.
    It is argued in this paper that the contemporary issue of modern slavery is one of meaningful relevance to today’s business, particularly multinational corporations. For a number of theoretical and pragmatic reasons, including corporate social responsibility, global corporate citizenship, corporate power and innovative capability, the issue should resonate with, and draw response from, modern business. Further, several suggestions are made as to how business organizations and their leaders can effectively aid in combating modern slavery.
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  7. David W. Concepción (2009). Overcoming Oppressive Self-Blame: Gray Agency in Underground Railroads. Hypatia 24 (1):81 - 99.
    After describing some key features of life in an underground railroad and the nature of gray agency, Concepción illustrates how survivors of relationship slavery can stop levying misplaced blame on themselves without giving up the valuable practice of blaming. Concepción concludes that by choosing a relatively non-oppressive account of self-blame, some amount of internalized oppression can be overcome and the double bind of agency-denial and self-loathing associated with being an oppressively grafted agent can be reduced.
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  8. Manuel Davenport (1999). Racist Symbols and Reparations. Southwest Philosophy Review 15 (2):113-114.
  9. Jane Duran (2010). Slavery in Global Context. International Journal of Applied Philosophy 24 (1):61-69.
    The work of Cox, Bales, Dingwaney, and others is cited in an effort to construct an argument about the special rights violations of contemporary slavery. It is contended that two forms, debt bondage and sexual slavery, are related and bear close examination.
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  10. James Farr (2008). Locke, Natural Law, and New World Slavery. Political Theory 36 (4):495 - 522.
    This essay systematically reformulates an earlier argument about Locke and new world slavery, adding attention to Indians, natural law, and Locke's reception. Locke followed Grotian natural law in constructing a just-war theory of slavery. Unlike Grotius, though, he severely restricted the theory, making it inapplicable to America. It only fit resistance to "absolute power" in Stuart England. Locke was nonetheless an agent of British colonialism who issued instructions governing slavery. Yet they do not inform his theory--or vice versa. This creates (...)
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  11. Lisa Guenther (2012). Fecundity and Natal Alienation: Rethinking Kinship with Emmanuel Levinas and Orlando Patterson. Levinas Studies 7 (1):1-19.
    In his 1934 essay, “Reflections on the Philosophy of Hitlerism,” Levinas raises important questions about the subject’s relation to nature and to history. His account of the ethical significance of paternity, maternity, and fraternity in texts such as Totality and Infinity and Otherwise Than Being suggest powerful new ways to understand the meaning of kinship, beyond the abstractions of Western liberalism. How does this analysis of race and kinship translate into the context of the Transatlantic slave trade, which not only (...)
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  12. Lisa Guenther (2012). The Most Dangerous Place: Pro-Life Politics and the Rhetoric of Slavery. Postmodern Culture 22 (2).
    In recent years, comparisons between abortion and slavery have become increasingly common in American pro-life politics. Some have compared the struggle to extinguish abortion rights to the struggle to end slavery. Others have claimed that Roe v Wade is the Dred Scott of our time. Still others have argued that abortion is worse than slavery; it is a form of genocide. This paper tracks the abortion = slavery meme from Ronald Reagan to the current personhood movement, drawing on work by (...)
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  13. R. M. Hare (1979). What is Wrong with Slavery. Philosophy and Public Affairs 8 (2):103-121.
    This article discusses the definition of slavery as a status in society and a relation to an owner. an imaginary case in which utilitarian arguments could justify slavery. this case, just because it is highly unlikely to occur in the actual world, does not provide an argument against utilitarianism. if it did occur, slavery would be justified in this case, but that is no reason for abandoning our intuitive principle condemning slavery. the adoption of this principle has in the actual (...)
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  14. Brad Hinshelwood (2013). The Carolinian Context of John Locke's Theory of Slavery. Political Theory 41 (4):0090591713485446.
    The debate over Locke’s theory of slavery has focused on his involvement with the Royal African Company and other institutions of African slavery, as well as his rhetorical use of slavery in opposing absolutism. This overlooks Locke’s deep involvement with the Carolina colony, and in particular that colony’s Indian slave trade, which was largely justified in just-war terms. Evidence of Locke’s participation in the 1682 revisions to the Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina, which removed the infamous “absolute power and authority” clause, (...)
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  15. Sandra F. Joireman (2005). The Political Economy of New Slavery. Contemporary Political Theory 4 (3):329-331.
  16. Stephen Kershnar (2003). A Liberal Argument for Slavery. Journal of Social Philosophy 34 (4):510–536.
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  17. Stephen Kershnar (1999). Are the Descendants of Slaves Owed Compensation for Slavery? Journal of Applied Philosophy 16 (1):95–101.
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  18. Robert J. Loewenberg (1985). John Locke and the Antebellum Defense of Slavery. Political Theory 13 (2):266-291.
  19. Thomas McCarthy (2004). Coming to Terms with Our Past, Part II: On the Morality and Politics of Reparations for Slavery. Political Theory 32 (6):750-772.
    There has recently been a surge of interest, theoretical and political, in reparations for slavery. This essay takes up several moral-political issues from that intensifying debate: how to conceptualize and justify collective compensation and collective responsibility, and how to establish a plausible connection between past racial injustices and present racial inequalities. It concludes with some brief remarks on one aspect of the very complicated politics of reparations: the possible effects of hearings and trials on the public memory and political culture (...)
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  20. Thomas McCarthy (2002). Vergangenheitsbewältigung in the USA: On the Politics of the Memory of Slavery. Political Theory 30 (5):623-648.
    The settlement of the North American continent was... a consequence not of any higher claim in a democratic or international sense, but rather of a consciousness of what is right which had its sole roots in the conviction of the superiority and thus of the right of the white race. —Adolf Hitler, 1932.
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  21. Susan Moller Okin (2005). ‘Forty Acres and a Mule’ for Women: Rawls and Feminism. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 4 (2):233-248.
    This article assesses the development of Rawls’s thinking in response to a generation of feminist critique. Two principle criticisms are sustainable throughout his work: first, that the family, as a basic institution of society, must be subject to the principles of justice if its members are to be free and equal members of society; and, second, that without such social and political equality, justice as fairness is as meaningful to women as the unrealized promise of ‘Forty acres and a mule’ (...)
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  22. Elaine Spitz (1982). On Shanley, "Marital Slavery and Friendship". Political Theory 10 (3):461-464.
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  23. Gijs van Donselaar (2013). Sticks or Carrots? The Emergence of Self-Ownership. Ethics 123 (4):700-716.
  24. Lawrence H. White (2008). Can Economics Rank Slavery Against Free Labor in Terms of Efficiency? Politics, Philosophy and Economics 7 (3):327-340.
    The standard allocative efficiency criteria used by economists (Pareto efficiency and Kaldor-Hicks efficiency) are fundamentally unable to rank a slave-labor system against a free-labor system. Given either set of initial property rights assignments the market can reach (or fail to reach) allocative efficiency (that is, allocate resources to their highest-valued uses), but welfare economics provides no meta-framework for ranking initial assignments. This finding underscores the limits to the usefulness of efficiency criteria: they cannot settle all questions, and unfortunately are least (...)
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