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  1. Erik Anderson (1999). Amy Gutmann, Ed., Freedom of Association. [REVIEW] Philosophy in Review 19:183-185.
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  2. Erik A. Anderson (1999). Amy Gu Tmann, Ed., Freedom of Association Reviewed By. Philosophy in Review 19 (3):183-185.
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  3. Kimberley Brownlee (2015). Freedom of Association: It’s Not What You Think. Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 35 (2):267-282.
    This article shows that associative freedom is not what we tend to think it is. Contrary to standard liberal thinking, it is neither a general moral permission to choose the society most acceptable to us nor a content-insensitive claim-right akin to the other personal freedoms with which it is usually lumped such as freedom of expression and freedom of religion. It is at most a highly restricted moral permission to associate subject to constraints of consent, necessity and burdensomeness; a conditional (...)
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  4. Caroline Cox (1994). “Political Correctness” and Freedom of Speech in British Universities. Minerva 32 (2):193-195.
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  5. Marilyn Friedman (2006). Nancy J. Hirschmann on the Social Construction of Women's Freedom. Hypatia 21 (4):182-191.
    : Nancy J. Hirschmann presents a feminist, social constructionist account of women's freedom. Friedman's discussion of Hirschmann's account deals with (1) some conceptual problems facing a thoroughgoing social constructionism; (2) three ways to modify social constructionism to avoid those problems; and (3) an assessment of Hirschmann's version of social constructionism in light of the previous discussion.
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  6. Amy Gutmann (ed.) (1998). Freedom of Association. Princeton University Press.
    "This collection of essays is the best one-volume introduction to a timely topic: the nature, purposes, moral justifications of (and limitations on) freedom of association in liberal democracies.
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  7. Adam Hosein (2013). Immigration and Freedom of Movement. Ethics and Global Politics 6 (1):25-37.
    In this paper I focus on one very influential argument for open borders, the freedom of movement argument, which says that if we value freedom of movement we must demand open borders. I begin the paper the paper by discussing Joseph Carens’ well known version of the argument. I then consider, and reject, David Miller’s response to that argument. Finally, I develop my own reply to Carens. Both Carens and Miller, I argue, are mistaken about the proper grounds for freedom (...)
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  8. Enzo Rossi (2013). Can Tolerance Be Grounded in Equal Respect? European Journal of Political Theory 12 (3):240-252.
    In this paper I argue that equal respect-based accounts of the normative basis of tolerance are self-defeating, insofar as they are unable to specify the limits of tolerance in a way that is consistent with their own commitment to the equal treatment of all conceptions of the good. I show how this argument is a variant of the long-standing ‘conflict of freedoms’ objection to Kantian-inspired, freedom-based accounts of the justification of systems of norms. I criticize Thomas Scanlon’s defence of ‘pure (...)
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  9. Jim Ruiz & D. F. Treadwell (2002). The Perp Walk: Due Process V. Freedom of the Press. Criminal Justice Ethics 21 (2):44-56.
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  10. Mark C. Vopat (2010). Mandatory School Uniforms and Freedom of Expression. Ethics and Education 5 (3):203 - 215.
    On 10 December 2007 the Akron City School Board ? following the precedent set by many school systems across the United States and the world ? instituted a policy of mandatory school uniforms for all students in grades K?8. The measure was met with mixed reviews. While many parents supported the measure, a small group of parents from a selective, arts-focussed, middle school (grades 4?8) objected to the policy. It was their contention that children attending this particular school should be (...)
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Freedom of Assembly
  1. Kylie Bourne (2011). Commanding and Controlling Protest Crowds. Critical Horizons 12 (2):189-210.
    Police and authorities have increasingly adopted "command and control" strategies to the policing of intentionally peaceful protest crowds. These strategies work to close down access to a physical space in which a protest is to occur and thus in turn they effectively restrict the capacity of a citizen to engage in the democratic right of peaceful protest.
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  2. Corey Brettschneider (2010). When the State Speaks What Should. Perspectives on Politics.
  3. Kimberley Brownlee, Civil Disobedience. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
  4. Carl F. Taeusch (1952). Freedom of Assembly. Ethics 63 (1):33-43.
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Freedom of Association
  1. Larry Alexander (2008). What is Freedom of Association, and What is its Denial? Social Philosophy and Policy 25 (2):1-21.
    Freedom of association, as I understand it, refers to the liberty a person possesses to enter into relationships with others—for any and all purposes, for a momentary or long-term duration, by contract, consent, or acquiescence. It likewise refers to the liberty to refuse to enter into such relationships or to terminate them when not otherwise compelled by one's voluntary assumption of an obligation to maintain the relationship. Freedom of association thus is a quite capacious liberty.
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  2. Julian Baggini, Alex Voorhoeve, Catherine Audard, Saladin Meckled-Garcia & Tony McWalter (2007). Security and the 'War on Terror': A Roundtable. In Julian Baggini & Jeremy Stangroom (eds.), What More Philosophers Think. Continuum
    What is the appropriate legal response to terrorist threats? This question is discussed by politician Tony McWalter, The Philosophers' Magazine editor Julian Baggini, and philosophers Catherine Audard, Saladin Meckled-Garcia, and Alex Voorhoeve.
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  3. Richard Boyd (2008). The Madisonian Paradox of Freedom of Association. Social Philosophy and Policy 25 (2):235-262.
    Freedom of association holds an uneasy place in the pantheon of liberal freedoms. Whereas freedom of association and the abundant plurality of groups that accompany it have been embraced by modern and contemporary liberals, this was not always the case. Unlike more canonical freedoms of speech, press, property, petition, assembly, and religious conscience, the freedom of association was rarely extolled by classical liberal thinkers in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Indeed Thomas Hobbes, David Hume, Adam Smith, and others seem to (...)
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  4. Corey Brettschneider (2010). A Transformative Theory of Religious Freedom. Political Theory 38 (2):187-213.
    Religious freedom is often thought to protect not only religious practices but also the underlying religious beliefs of citizens. But what should be said about religious beliefs that oppose religious freedom itself or that deny the concept of equal citizenship? The author argues here that such beliefs, while protected against coercive sanction, are rightly subject to attempts at transformation by the state in its expressive capacities. Transformation is entailed by a commitment to publicizing the reasons and principles that justify the (...)
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  5. Richard A. Epstein (2008). Should Antidiscrimination Laws Limit Freedom of Association? The Dangerous Allure of Human Rights Legislation. Social Philosophy and Policy 25 (2):123-156.
    This article defends the classical liberal view of human interactions that gives strong protection to associational freedom except in cases that involve the use of force or fraud or the exercise of monopoly power. That conception is at war with the modern antidiscrimination or human rights laws that operate in competitive markets in such vital areas as employment and housing, with respect to matters of race, sex, age, and increasingly, disability. The article further argues that using the label to boost (...)
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  6. Sarah Fine (2010). Freedom of Association is Not the Answer. Ethics 120 (2):338-356.
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  7. Deborah Hawkins (2004). Tolerance and Freedom of Association. Social Theory and Practice 30 (4):589-598.
  8. Faina Milman-Sivan (2009). Freedom of Association as a Core Labor Right and the ILO: Toward a Normative Framework. Law and Ethics of Human Rights 3 (2):110-153.
    Freedom of association operates as an organizational "meta-norm," appreciated both as an independent value and as a touchstone for the institutional design of the International Labour Organization . Despite the renewed interest of the ILO in various aspects of the norm, its understanding of freedom of association lacks a comprehensive normative framework. This article presents such a conceptual framework and a critical in-depth analysis of current ILO freedom of association jurisprudence. Freedom of association should be understood in terms of equitable (...)
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  9. Paul Moreno (2008). Organized Labor and American Law: From Freedom of Association to Compulsory Unionism. Social Philosophy and Policy 25 (2):22-52.
    Though most legal and labor historians have depicted an American labor movement that suffered from legal disabilities, American law has never denied organized labor's freedom of association. Quite the contrary, unions have always enjoyed at least some favoritism in the law, and this status provided the essential element to their success and power. But, even during the heyday of union power (1930–47), organized labor never succeeded in gaining all of the privileges that it sought, not enough to stem its current (...)
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  10. Stephen B. Presser (2008). Freedom of Association in Historical Perspective. Social Philosophy and Policy 25 (2):157-181.
    This paper seeks to examine two conflicting strands in the United States Supreme Court's treatment of by exploring some aspects of the historical development of the doctrine. It suggests that there are two conceptions of an older, traditional one, that eschews forcing odious contact on members of associations, and a newer one which privileges antidiscrimination doctrines over These two conceptions still exist on the Court, resulting in irreconcilable decisions such as those permitting the Boy Scouts to exclude gay scoutmasters, but (...)
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  11. Robert S. Taylor, Exit Left: Markets and Mobility in Republican Thought.
    How can people best protect themselves from the arbitrary power of abusive spouses, tyrannical bosses, and corrupt politicians? I argue in my book that in each of these three spheres, the answer is the same: exit. By promoting open and competitive markets and providing the information and financial resources necessary to enable exit, we can empower people’s voices and offer them an escape from abuse and exploitation. This will advance a conception of freedom, viz. freedom as non-domination (FND), that is (...)
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  12. Christopher Heath Wellman (2008). Immigration and Freedom of Association. Ethics 119 (1):109-141.
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  13. Stuart White (1997). Freedom of Association and the Right to Exclude. Journal of Political Philosophy 5 (4):373–391.
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  14. Keith E. Whittington (2008). Industrial Saboteurs, Reputed Thieves, Communists, and the Freedom of Association. Social Philosophy and Policy 25 (2):76-91.
    The idea of a constitutional freedom of association was embraced by the U.S. Supreme Court in the mid-twentieth century as implicit in the First Amendment. Although initially endorsed by the Court as a fundamental freedom that was necessarily entwined with the freedom of speech when confronted with cases in the 1930s and 1940s of local government officials cracking down on speakers and assemblies discussing strikes and labor unions, the justices were far more divided and skeptical of freedom of association claims (...)
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Freedom of Movement
  1. Speranta Dumitru (2014). From Birthright Citizenship to Open Borders? Some Doubts. Ethical Perspectives 21 (4):608-614.
    This paper argues that by overestimating the importance of citizenship rights, the ethics of immigration turns away from the more serious problem of closed borders. Precisely, this contribution is a threefold critique of Carens’ idea that "justice requires that democratic states grant citizenship at birth to the descendants of settled immigrants" (Carens, 2013: 20). Firstly, I argue that by making 'justice' dependent on states and their attributes (birthright citizenship), this idea strengthens methodological nationalism which views humanity as naturally divided into (...)
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  2. Speranta Dumitru (2013). Des visas, pas de l'aide! de la migration comme substitut de l'aide au développement. Éthique Publique. Revue Internationale D’Éthique Sociétale Et Gouvernementale 15 (2):77-98.
    If migration is more effective than aid for fighting poverty, should it replace aid? Not always. This article proposes a criterion that may be used to distinguish between cases where migration should serve as a substitute for development assistance and cases where it should supplement such aid. According to this criterion, development agendas are poverty-efficient when they lift the largest possible number of people out of poverty. Therefore, to be poverty-efficient, development agendas should always aim to complement aid with policies (...)
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  3. Speranta Dumitru (2012). Migration and Equality: Should Citizenship Levy Be a Tax or a Fine? Les Ateliers de l'Éthique / the Ethics Forum 7 (2):34-49.
    It is often argued that development aid can and should compensate the restrictions on migration. Such compensation, Shachar has recently argued, should be levied as a tax on citizenship to further the global equality of opportunity. Since citizenship is essentially a ‘birthright lottery’, that is, a way of legalizing privileges obtained by birth, it would be fair to compensate the resulting gap in opportunities available to children born in rich versus poor countries by a ‘birthright privilege levy’. This article sets (...)
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  4. Speranta Dumitru (2012). Skilled Migration: Who Should Pay for What? Diversities 14 (1):8-23.
    Brain drain critiques and human rights advocates have conflicting views on emigration. From a brain drain perspective, the emigration harms a country when emigrants are skilled and the source country is poor. From the human rights perspective, the right "to leave any country, including one's own" is a fundamental right, protected for all, whatever their skills. Is the concern with poverty and social justice at odds with the right to emigrate? At the beginning of the l970s, the economist Jagdish Bhagwati (...)
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  5. Iseult Honohan (2014). Domination and Migration: An Alternative Approach to the Legitimacy of Migration Controls. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (1):31-48.
    Freedom as non-domination provides a distinctive criterion for assessing the justifiability of migration controls, different from both freedom of movement and autonomy. Migration controls are dominating insofar as they threaten to coerce potential migrants. Both the general right of states to control migration, and the wide range of discretionary procedures prevalent in migration controls, render outsiders vulnerable to arbitrary power. While the extent and intensity of domination varies, it is sufficient under contemporary conditions of globalization to warrant limits on states’ (...)
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  6. Iseult Honohan & Marit Hovdal-Moan (2014). Introduction: Domination, Migration and Non-Citizens. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (1):1-9.
    In Europe and other regions of the world public debate concerning how many immigrants should be admitted, which rights those admitted should have, and which conditions can be required for access to citizenship is intense and enduring, and these have increasingly become central electoral issues. On the one hand, the harsh treatment of migrants is often a matter of public criticism; on the other hand, states are concerned about problems of welfare, security and social unrest that they have come to (...)
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  7. Kieran Oberman (2015). Poverty and Immigration Policy. American Journal of Political Science 109 (02):239-251.
    What are the ethical implications of global poverty for immigration policy? This article finds substantial evidence that migration is effective at reducing poverty. There is every indication that the adoption of a fairly open immigration policy by rich countries, coupled with selective use of immigration restrictions in cases of deleterious brain drain, could be of significant assistance to people living in poor countries. Empirically there is nothing wrong with using immigration policy to address poverty. The reason we have to reject (...)
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  8. Antoinette Scherz & Rebecca Welge (2014). Union Citizenship Revisited: Multilateral Democracy as Normative Standard for European Citizenship. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies.
    Union Citizenship as currently implemented in the European Union introduces a distinct concept of citizenship that necessitates an adequate normative approach. The objective of this paper is to assess EU Citizenship against the theoretical background of multilateral democracy. This approach is specifically suited for this task, as it does not rely on a nation-state paradigm or the presumption of a further transformation into a federation or union. We propose three criteria by which to assess multilevel citizenship: equal individual rights, equal (...)
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  9. Robert S. Taylor, Exit Left: Markets and Mobility in Republican Thought.
    How can people best protect themselves from the arbitrary power of abusive spouses, tyrannical bosses, and corrupt politicians? I argue in my book that in each of these three spheres, the answer is the same: exit. By promoting open and competitive markets and providing the information and financial resources necessary to enable exit, we can empower people’s voices and offer them an escape from abuse and exploitation. This will advance a conception of freedom, viz. freedom as non-domination (FND), that is (...)
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Freedom of Religion
  1. Guy Axtell (2003). Review of Rosenbaum. [REVIEW] Contemporary Pragmatism:178-187.
    There are many books on the market about religion in American thought and history, but the idea for a collection of essays focused directly upon pragmatist reconstructions of religious belief and sentiment is overdue. Stuart Rosenbaum’s reader admirably fills this need, and is bound to bring fresh insights to students and advanced researchers alike.
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  2. Guy Axtell (1999). Courage, Caution and Heaven's Gate. The Proceedings of the Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy 1999:77-89.
    The criteria of “forced, live, and momentous options,” as William James utilized them in his pragmatic defense of religious belief, cannot, I argue, both support religious pluralism and acknowledge lessons about failure of epistemic responsibility in Heaven’s Gate-followers. But I attempt to re-vitalize the pragmatic argument, showing it capable of walking this narrow line. I proceed (1) by developing the distinction and relationship between a commitment to a particular religious system or community, and a commitment to the generic “religious hypothesis” (...)
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  3. Zenon Ba|[Nacute]|Kowski (2004). Faith, Freedom and the Future: Religion in American Culture. Contemporary Political Theory 3 (2):236.
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  4. Rajeev Bhargava (1998). Secularism and its Critics. Oxford.
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  5. Sam Black (2007). Locke and the Skeptical Argument for Toleration. History of Philosophy Quarterly 24 (4):355-375.
  6. Paul Bou-Habib (2015). Locke’s Tracts and the Anarchy of the Religious Conscience. European Journal of Political Theory 14 (1):3-18.
    This article reconstructs the main arguments in John Locke’s first political writings, the highly rhetorical, and often obscure, Two Tracts on Government . The Tracts support the government’s right to impose religious ceremonies on its people, an astonishing fact given Locke’s famous defense of toleration in his later works. The reconstruction of the Tracts developed here allows us to see that rather than a pessimistic view of the prospects for peace under religious diversity, what mainly animates the young Locke is (...)
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  7. Corey Brettschneider (2010). A Transformative Theory of Religious Freedom. Political Theory 38 (2):187-213.
    Religious freedom is often thought to protect not only religious practices but also the underlying religious beliefs of citizens. But what should be said about religious beliefs that oppose religious freedom itself or that deny the concept of equal citizenship? The author argues here that such beliefs, while protected against coercive sanction, are rightly subject to attempts at transformation by the state in its expressive capacities. Transformation is entailed by a commitment to publicizing the reasons and principles that justify the (...)
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  8. Winfried Brugger (2009). From Animosity to Recognition to Identification: Models of the Relationship of Church and State and the Freedom of Religion. In Barend Christoffel Labuschagne & Ari Marcelo Solon (eds.), Religion and State - From Separation to Cooperation?: Legal-Philosophical Reflections for a de-Secularized World (Ivr Cracow Special Workshop). Nomos
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  9. Stephen Clark (2009). Understanding Faith: Religious Belief and its Place in Society. Imprint Academic.
  10. Stephen R. L. Clark (2002). Review: Religious Commitment and Secular Reason. [REVIEW] Mind 111 (443):639-643.
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  11. Stephen R. L. Clark (1993). Book Review : Anarchy and Christianity by Jacques Ellul, Translated by G. W. Bromiley. Grand Rapids, Michigan, Eerdmans, 1988. Vi + 110pp. No Price. [REVIEW] Studies in Christian Ethics 6 (1):52-55.
  12. Perry Dane (1996). Constitutional Law and Religion. In Dennis M. Patterson (ed.), A Companion to Philosophy of Law and Legal Theory. Blackwell Publishers
    This essay on law and religion appears in the second edition of the Blackwell Companion to Philosophy of Law and Legal Theory, edited by Dennis Patterson. It is a revision of a similar entry in the book’s first edition. The essay opens by broadly discussing the complex relationships between law and religion writ large as movements in human history – social, cultural, intellectual, and institutional phenomena with distinct but often overlapping logics and concerns. It then hones in on the efforts (...)
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  13. Evan Fales, Are the Gods Apolitical? Philo.
    The attraction between religion and politics is perennial. Sometimes, in its long and checkered history, it has led to an adulterous affair. I want to ask what lies at the heart of this attraction, and whether that can shed any light on the current religious/political scene. But the romance metaphor is at bottom not a good one. I shall argue that, in their originary condition, religion and politics are "closer," both ontologically and in their motivation, than woman and man, closer (...)
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