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  1. Endre Begby (2003). Liberty, Statehood and Sovereignty: Walzer on Mill on Non-Intervention. Journal of Military Ethics 2 (1):46-62.
    The purpose of this paper is to critically assess Michael Walzer's use of John Stuart Mill's text 'A Few Words on Non-Intervention' in his seminal work Just and Unjust Wars. Although point by point, I think Walzer's reading of Mill is largely sound, I will argue that the specific narrative into which Walzer orders these points places a highly tendentious spin on the original text. More precisely, Walzer's way of articulating the negative aspects of Mill's argument--the general presumption against intervention--obscures (...)
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  2. David Chandler (2007). Potemkin Sovereignty: Statehood Without Politics in the New World Order. The Monist 90 (1):86-105.
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  3. Frank Dietrich (2014). Territorial Rights and Demographic Change. International Theory 6:174-190.
    While the number of people is increasing rapidly on a global scale, the popula-tions of some countries, e.g. Germany or Japan, are predicted to shrink significantly. The article raises the question whether these demographic developments have any bearing on the justification of territorial rights. More specifically, it is asked whether drastically growing populations may demand declining populations to cede parts of their territo-ries. It is argued that a prima facie claim to the reallocation of territory can be grounded on end (...)
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  4. Frank Dietrich (2013). State Recognition Between Justice and Efficiency. Jahrbuch für Recht Und Ethik 21:187-203.
    Traditionally, state recognition in international law has been based on descriptive criteria stipulated by the Montevideo Convention. However, in the last decades the international community’s response to newly created political units has increasingly been oriented at legitimacy standards. As a consequence, several entities showing the basic characteristics of a state, such as North-Cyprus or Transnistria, failed to gain recognition. In the philosophical debate, most prominently Allen Buchanan has welcomed this development in international law. He argued that the recognition of illegitimate (...)
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  5. Gregory Gleason (1990). Lenin, Gorbachev, and 'National-Statehood': Can Leninism Countenance the New Soviet Federal Order? Studies in East European Thought 40 (1-3):137-158.
    One of the most intractable contemporary problems in the USSR is the Soviet federal dilemma. The late 1980s witnessed competing claims among the national minority groups of the USSR to rights of voice, representation, and cultural, economic, and even political sovereignty. Since the onset ofperestrojka, the principle of nationalstatehood has acquired a new legitimacy. Nationality is one of the pillars of the federal reform. The drive to create a new Soviet federalism has become an important component ofperestrojka. But, according to (...)
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  6. John-Michael Kuczynski (2010). Morality, Politics, and Law. Kendall Hunt Publishing.
    It is argued (a) that laws are assurances of protections of rights and (b) that governments are protectors of rights. Lest those assurances be empty and thus not really be assurances at all, laws must be enforced and governments must therefore have the power to coerce. For this reason, the government of a given region tends to have, as Max Weber put it, a "monopoly on power" in that region. And because governments are power-monopolizers, it is tempting to think that (...)
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  7. Hsin-wen Lee (2014). An Examination of the Feasibility of Cultural Nationalism as Ideal Theory. Ethical Perspectives 21 (199-224).
    The principle of national self-determination holds that a national community, simply by virtue of being a national community, has a prima facie right to create its own sovereign state. While many support this principle, not as many agree that it should be formally recognized by political institutions. One of the main concerns is that implementing this principle may lead to certain types of inequalities—between nations with and without their own states, members inside and outside the border, and members and nonmembers (...)
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  8. Hsin-wen Lee (2012). The Identity Argument for National Self-Determination. Public Affairs Quarterly 26 (2):123-139.
    http://paq.press.illinois.edu/26/2/lee.html A number of philosophers argue that the moral value of national identity is sufficient to justify at least a prima facie right of a national community to create its own independent, sovereign state. In the literature, this argument is commonly referred to as the identity argument. In this paper, I consider whether the identity argument successfully proves that a national group is entitled to a state of its own. To do so, I first explain three important steps in the (...)
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  9. Matthew Lister (2016). Self-Determination, Dissent, and the Problem of Population Transfers. In Fernando R. Tesón (ed.), The Theory of Self-Determination. Cambridge University Press 145-165.
    Many of the major self-determination movements of the 20th and early 21st Centuries did not go smoothly, but resulted in forced or semi-forced transfers of groups of people from one country to another. Forced population transfers are not, of course, supported by major theorists of self-determination and secession. However, the problems that make population transfers extremely common in actual cases of self-determination and secession, are not squarely faced in many theories of self-determination. And, I shall argue, certain leading theories of (...)
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  10. Matthew Lister (2014). Climate Change Refugees. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (5):618-634.
    Under the UNHCR definition of a refugee, set out in the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, people fleeing their homes because of natural disasters or other environmental problems do not qualify for refugee status and the protection that come from such status. In a recent paper, "Who Are Refugees?", I defended the essentials of the UNHCR definition on the grounds that refugee status and protection is best reserved for people who can only be helped by granting them (...)
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  11. Thaddeus Metz (2004). The Justice of Crime Prevention. Theoria 51 (105):104-128.
    In this essay, I critically evaluate the new South African state's approach to crime prevention in light of the Kantian principle of respect of persons. I show that the five most common explanations of why the state must fight crime are unconvincing; provide a novel, respect-based account of why justice requires the state to prevent crime; and specify which crime fighting techniques the state must adopt in order to meet this requirement. Reviewing the South African state's criminal justice policies and (...)
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  12. Ademola Oladimeji Okeowo, Statehood, Effectiveness and the Kosovo Declaration of Independence.
    Although many attempts, States failed to find a general definition of statehood. The most authoritative description of the constitutive elements of statehood is contained in Article 1 of the 1933 Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States, in which four criteria must be satisfied in judging statehood. They include the requirements that the putative state must occupy a defined territory, must operate effective government over the extent of such territory and must be in possession of a permanent population. (...)
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  13. Oche Onazi, Autonomy Without Statehood: A Postcolonial Account of Self-Determination Struggles in Nigeria.
    The right to self-determination remains important to the subordinated ethnic groups of Nigeria. Self-determination served (and still serves) as a beacon for independence amongst subordinated peoples. The realization of independence, however, comes with its challenges. Sovereignty seems to translate into powerful internal structures of domination, many of which continue to instigate further claims for self-determination. These claims are, however, quite different from the past. They are not claims for independence, secession or statehood. They remain at best claims for economic sovereignty (...)
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  14. John T. Sanders (1998). Stan Bezpanstwowosci. Apologia Anarchizmu Filozoficznego. In Tadeusz Buksinski (ed.), Idee Filozoficzne w Polityce. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Instytutu Filozofii
    Ksiazka Roberta Paula Wolfa Apologia anarchizmu, ktora ukazala sie w roku 1970, stala sie niezwyklym wydarzeniem w rozwoju dwudziestowiecznej filozofii zachodniej: oto bowiem szacowny filozof, reprezentujacy (mniej wiecej) glowny nurt swej dziedziny, przedstawial argumenty zyczliwe wobec anarchizmu.
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  15. John T. Sanders (1996). The State of Statelessness. In John T. Sanders & Jan Narveson (eds.), For and Against the State: New Philosophical Readings. Rowman and Littlefield
    My objective in this paper is to address a handful of issues that typically get raised in discussions of philosophical anarchism. Some of these issues arise in discussions among partisans of anarchism, and some are more likely to be raised in efforts to defend the state against its opponents. My hope is to focus the argument in such a way as to make clearer the main issues that are at stake from the point of view of at least one version (...)
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  16. François Tanguay-Renaud (2010). The Intelligibility of Extralegal State Action: A General Lesson for Debates on Public Emergencies and Legality. Legal Theory 16 (3):161-189.
    Some legal theorists deny that states can conceivably act extra-legally, in the sense of acting contrary to domestic law. This position finds its most robust articulation in the writings of Hans Kelsen, and has more recently been taken up by David Dyzenhaus in the context of his work on emergencies and legality. This paper seeks to demystify their arguments and, ultimately, contend that we can intelligibly speak of the state as a legal wrongdoer or a legally unauthorized actor.
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  17. Michael Walzer (1997). The Politics of Difference: Statehood and Toleration in a Multicultural World. Ratio Juris 10 (2):165-176.