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  1. Berit Brogaard (2007). Number Words and Ontological Commitment. Philosophical Quarterly 57 (226):1–20.
    With the aid of some results from current linguistic theory I examine a recent anti-Fregean line with respect to hybrid talk of numbers and ordinary things, such as ‘the number of moons of Jupiter is four’. I conclude that the anti-Fregean line with respect to these sentences is indefensible.
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  2. Eli Dresner (2001). Tarski's Restricted Form and Neale's Quantificational Treatment of Proper Names. Linguistics and Philosophy 24 (4):405-415.
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  3. Jane Duran (1997). Syntax, Imagery and Naturalization. Philosophia 25 (1-4):373-387.
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  4. Terence E. Horgan & John L. Tienson (2006). Cognition Needs Syntax but Not Rules. In Robert J. Stainton (ed.), Contemporary Debates in Cognitive Science. Malden MA: Blackwell Publishing. 147--158.
    Human cognition is rich, varied, and complex. In this Chapter we argue that because of the richness of human cognition (and human mental life generally), there must be a syntax of cognitive states, but because of this very richness, cognitive processes cannot be describable by exceptionless rules. The argument for syntax, in Section 1, has to do with being able to get around in any number of possible environments in a complex world. Since nature did not know where in the (...)
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  5. Timothy McCarthy (1989). Syntactic Interpretations of Truth and Semantic Underdetermination. Philosophical Psychology 2 (1):37 – 50.
  6. Friederike Moltmann (1992). On the Interpretation of Three-Dimensional Syntactic Trees. In Chris Barker & David Dowty (eds.), Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 2, Ohio State University.
    Syntacticians have proposed three-dimensional syntactic structures to account for the peculiarities of coordination. This paper proposes a way of interpreting such structures and gives an account of sentences of the sort 'John bought and Mary sold a total of ten cars' based on a notion of 'implicit' coordination.
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  7. Willis Moore (1938). Structure in Sentence and in Fact. Philosophy of Science 5 (1):81-88.
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  8. Matthew Reeve (2012). Clefts and Their Relatives. John Benjamins Pub. Co..
    Introduction -- The syntax of English clefts -- Clefts and the licensing of relative clauses -- Clefts in Slavonic languages -- The syntax of specificational sentences -- Conclusion.
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  9. William E. Seager (1992). Thought and Syntax. Philosophy of Science Association 1992:481-491.
    It has been argued that Psychological Externalism is irrelevant to psychology. The grounds for this are that PE fails to individuate intentional states in accord with causal power, and that psychology is primarily interested in the causal roles of psychological states. It is also claimed that one can individuate psychological states via their syntactic structure in some internal "language of thought". This syntactic structure is an internal feature of psychological states and thus provides a key to their causal powers. I (...)
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  10. Robert J. Stainton (ed.) (2006). Contemporary Debates in Cognitive Science. Malden MA: Blackwell Publishing.
  11. Anna Szabolcsi (2000). The Syntax of Scope. In Mark Baltin & Chris Collins (eds.), Handbook ... Syntax. Blackwell. 607--633.
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Binding
  1. Pierre Pica (1995). Condition C and Epistemic Contexts : A Case Study of Epithets and Anti-Logophoricity Pronouns in French. In Young-Sun Kim, Byung-Choon Lee, Kyoung-Jae Lee, Kyun-Kwon Yang & Jong-Kuri Yoon (eds.), A Festchrift for Dong-Whee Yang. Hankuk Publishing.
    Epithets and pronominals 'en' and 'y' in French have a variety of Binding properties that are unexpected on conventional approach to Binding Theory. We argue that the linguistic variety observed cross-linguistically (and perhaps, more surprinsingly, within a single language) - derives from the morphological properties of the anaphoric element - which we claim lack number features. Epithets and pronominal like 'en' and 'y' are predicates modifying null but semantically active nouns, and must theefore refer to the Speaker. These properties, we (...)
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  2. Pierre Pica (1990). The Case for Reflexives or Reflexives for Case. In Karen Deaton, Manuela Noske & Michael Ziolkowski (eds.), Proceedings from the 26th Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society. Chicago Linguistic Society.
    It is claimed that the English genitive marker 's' suprisingly mirrors- at least in some dialects of English - the three main different usage of the mono-morphemic reflexives such as 'se' in French. A solution to this paradox already noted by Jespersen (1918) is proposed drawing on Watkins paradox according to which the study of what looks like 'social' parameters might be relevant for linguistics.
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  3. Pierre Pica (1987). On the Nature of the Reflexivization Cycle. In Joyce McDunough & Bernadette Plunkett (eds.), Proceedings of The North East Linguistic Society. 17--2.
    This article claims that one has to distinguish between X° reflexives which do not bear phi-features, such as number, and XP complex reflexive - which do bear such features. The presence/vs absence of features, it is argued, explains the behavior of so called long distance reflexives - first observed, within the generative tradition, in scandinavian languages - but present all over. The observation according to which XP reflexives are clause bound, while X° reflexives in argument position are not, is some (...)
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  4. Pierre Pica (1986). De Quelques Implications Théoriques de l'Étude des Relations à Longue Distance. In Mitsou Ronat & Daniel Couquaux (eds.), La grammaire modulaire. Minuit. 187--209.
    Nous distinguons deux types d'anaphores en montrant que la comprehension des relations à longue distance met en jeu plusieurs propriétés de la grammaire comme l'association, ou non, avec un rôle thématique, ou à une position argumentale, et montrons comment les mécanismes mis en jeu sont universels - et ont des conséquences sur l'architecture de la grammaire (sur la définition de la notion de c-commande par exemple). L'article montre en particulier qu'il ne peut y avoir de réciproque ou de clitique lié (...)
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  5. Pierre Pica (1986). Subject, Tense and Truth. In Jacqueline Guéron, Hans-Georg Obenauer & Jean-Yves Pollock (eds.), Grammatical Representations. Foris.
    It is suggested that the notion of truth value plays a role in syntactic theory and should be incorporated in the appropriate formulation of conditions on transformations.
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  6. Pierre Pica & José Bonneau (1995). On the Development of the Complementation System in English and its Relation to Switch-Reference. In J. Berman (ed.), Proceedings of the North East Linguistic Society. GLSA.
    In this paper, we show that many of the dramatic changes that took place in the course of the history of the English complementation system are the result of a simple morphological Change in the determiner system. We propose that Old English (OE) evolved from a system in which 'complements' clauses, relative clauses and DP were interpreted as adverbials to a system in which they are interpreted as arguments of the verb. As the determiner acquired certain certain type of morphological (...)
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  7. Pierre Pica & Johan Rooryck (1999). Configurational Attitudes. In Esthela Treviño & José Lema (eds.), Semantics Issues in Romance Syntax. John Benjamins.
  8. Francesco Pupa & Erika Troseth (2011). Syntax and Interpretation. Mind and Language 26 (2):185-209.
    In his book Language in Context, Jason Stanley provides a novel solution to certain interpretational puzzles (Stanley, 2007). The aphonic approach, as we call it, hangs upon a substantial syntactic thesis. Here, we provide theoretical and empirical arguments against this particular syntactic thesis. Moreover, we demonstrate that the interpretational puzzles under question admit of a better solution under the explicit approach.
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  9. Brian Rabern (2013). Monsters in Kaplan's Logic of Demonstratives. Philosophical Studies 164 (2):393-404.
    Kaplan (1989a) insists that natural languages do not contain displacing devices that operate on character—such displacing devices are called monsters. This thesis has recently faced various empirical challenges (e.g., Schlenker 2003; Anand and Nevins 2004). In this note, the thesis is challenged on grounds of a more theoretical nature. It is argued that the standard compositional semantics of variable binding employs monstrous operations. As a dramatic first example, Kaplan’s formal language, the Logic of Demonstratives, is shown to contain monsters. For (...)
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  10. Anna Szabolcsi, Scope and Binding.
    Draft for Maienborn, von Heusinger & Portner (eds.), revised in 2008.
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Ellipsis
  1. N. Asher (2001). Discourse Parallelism, Ellipsis, and Ambiguity. Journal of Semantics 18 (1):1-25.
    In this paper we combine a simple recovery mechanism for ellipsis with a general, discourse account of parallelism to account for a variety of phenomena concerning ellipsis, including Sag's wide scope puzzle and complex examples concerning sloppy identity. Our recovery mechanism requires an identity of logical structure between the recovered material and antecedent in the ellipsis. The recovered material and the antecedent are then interpreted independently in their respective contexts, subject only to the general discourse constraints on parallelism. These constraints (...)
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  2. K. Bach (2008). Review: Robert J. Stainton: Words and Thoughts: Subsentences, Ellipsis, and the Philosophy of Language. [REVIEW] Mind 117 (467):739-742.
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  3. Mark Baltin, Implications of Pseudo-Gapping for Binding and the Representation of Information Structure* Mark R. Baltin.
    In addition to the standard ellipsis process known as VP-ellipsis, another ellipsis process, known as pseudo-gapping, was first brought to the fore-front in the 1970’s by Sag (1976) and N. Levin (1986). This process elides subparts of a VP, as in (1): (1) Although I don’t like steak, I do___pizza. Developing ideas of K.S. Jayaseelan (Jayaseelan (1990)), Howard Lasnik has developed an analysis in which pseudo-gapping, which, in some instances, looks as though it is simply deleting a verb, is in (...)
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  4. Rod Bertolet (1984). On a Fictional Ellipsis. Erkenntnis 21 (2):189 - 194.
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  5. Anne Bezuidenhout, VP-Ellipsis and the Case for Representationalism in Semantics.
    The debate between representationalists and anti-representationalists as I construe it in this chapter is a debate about whether truth-conditions are or should be assigned directly to natural language sentences (NLSs) – the anti-representationalist view – or whether they are or should be assigned instead to mental representations (MRs) that are related in some appropriate way to these NLSs. On the representationalist view, these MRs are related to NLSs in virtue of the fact that the MRs are the output of an (...)
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  6. E. R. Brandon (1993). Is "A Needs X" Elliptical? Grazer Philosophische Studien 45:125-134.
    While "A needs X" often calls for supplementation by the Y X is needed for, Thomson, Wiggins and Braybrooke have argued that there is a sense of "need" for which this is unnecessary. But Gricean conventions for conversation allow us to use ellipsis in a unified account of "need" while explaining the data Thomson and Wiggins appeal to: nondetatchment of bare needs from more fully specified ones, avoidance of serious harm as a default filling of the Y-slot, and the apparent (...)
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  7. Rui P. Chaves (2008). Linearization-Based Word-Part Ellipsis. Linguistics and Philosophy 31 (3):261-307.
    This paper addresses a phenomenon in which certain word-parts can be omitted. The evidence shows that the full range of data cannot be captured by a sublexical analysis, since the phenomena can be observed both in phrasal and in lexical environments. It is argued that a form of deletion is involved, and that the phenomena—lexical or otherwise—are subject to the same phonological, semantic, and syntactic constraints. In the formalization that is proposed, all of the above constraints are cast in a (...)
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  8. Robin Cooper, Using Dependent Record Types in Clarification Ellipsis.
    We present a sketch of a formulation of an analysis of clarification ellipsis using dependent record types as they have been developed in Martin-Lof type theory. Record types provide a semantic formalism which at the same time..
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  9. Crit Cremers (1983). On the Form and Interpretation of Ellipsis. In Alice G. B. Ter Meulen (ed.), Studies in Model theoretic Semantics. Foris Publications.
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  10. Mary Dalrymple, Stuart M. Shieber & Fernando C. N. Pereira (1991). Ellipsis and Higher-Order Unification. Linguistics and Philosophy 14 (4):399 - 452.
    We present a new method for characterizing the interpretive possibilities generated by elliptical constructions in natural language. Unlike previous analyses, which postulate ambiguity of interpretation or derivation in the full clause source of the ellipsis, our analysis requires no such hidden ambiguity. Further, the analysis follows relatively directly from an abstract statement of the ellipsis interpretation problem. It predicts correctly a wide range of interactions between ellipsis and other semantic phenomena such as quantifier scope and bound anaphora. Finally, although the (...)
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  11. Reinaldo Elugardo & Robert J. Stainton, Ellipsis and Nonsentential Speech.
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  12. Reinaldo Elugardo & Robert J. Stainton (2004). Shorthand, Syntactic Ellipsis, and the Pragmatic Determinants of What is Said. Mind and Language 19 (4):442–471.
    Our first aim in this paper is to respond to four novel objections in Jason Stanley's 'Context and Logical Form'. Taken together, those objections attempt to debunk our prior claims that one can perform a genuine speech act by using a subsentential expression—where by 'subsentential expression' we mean an ordinary word or phrase, not embedded in any larger syntactic structure. Our second aim is to make it plausible that, pace Stanley, there really are pragmatic determinants of the literal truthconditional content (...)
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  13. Reinaldo Elugardo & Robert J. Stainton (2004). Shorthand, Syntactic Ellipsis, and the Pragmatic Determinants of What Is Said. Mind and Language 19 (4):442-471.
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  14. Chris Fox & Shalom Lappin, A Type-Theoretic Approach to Anaphora and Ellipsis Resolution.
    We present an approach to anaphora and ellipsis resolution in which pronouns and elided structures are interpreted by the dynamic identification in discourse of type constraints on their semantic representations. The content of these conditions is recovered in context from an antecedent expression. The constraints define separation types (sub-types) in Property Theory with <span class='Hi'>Curry</span> Typing (PTCT), an expressive first-order logic with <span class='Hi'>Curry</span> typing that we have proposed as a formal framework for natural language semantics.
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  15. Danny Fox, Focus, Parallelism and Accommodation.
    It is well-known that constructions involving ellipsis (i.e. construction in which semantically interpreted material is not realized phonologically, henceforth ECs) share many properties with constructions that involve phonological reduction (in which semantically interpreted material is realized phonologically but in a reduced form, henceforth PRCs). (See, among others, Lasnik 1972, Chomsky and Lasnik 1993, Rooth 1992 and Tancredi 1992.) The similarity between ECs and PRCs is semantic: the interpretation of both is constrained by the interpretation of an antecedent (Parallelism). (...)
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  16. Lyn Frazier & Charles Clifton (2006). Ellipsis and Discourse Coherence. Linguistics and Philosophy 29 (3):315 - 346.
    VP ellipsis generally requires a syntactically matching antecedent. However, many documented examples exist where the antecedent is not appropriate. Kehler (2000, Linguistics and philosophy 23(6), 533–575. 2002, Coherence, Reference and the Theory of Grammer, CSLI Publications. Stanford.) proposed an elegant theory which predicts a syntactic antecedent for an elided VP is required only for a certain discourse coherence relation (resemblance), not for cause-effect relations. Most of the data Kehler used to motivate his theory come from corpus studies and thus (...)
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  17. Joseph S. Fulda (2012). Austinian Ifs Revisited – And Squared Away with the Equivalence Thesis and the Theory of Conditional Elements. RASK 36:51-71.
    This paper deals with Austinian ifs of every stripe within classical logic. It is argued that they are truth-functional and the theory of conditional elements is used. Ellipsis is key. Corrects an error in Fulda (2010) in translation and therefore scope. -/- The PDF is made available gratis by the Publisher.
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  18. Joseph S. Fulda (1995). Reasoning with Imperatives Using Classical Logic. Sorites 3:7-11.
    As the journal is effectively defunct, I am uploading a full-text copy, but only of my abstract and article, and some journal front matter. -/- Note that the pagination in the PDF version differs from the official pagination because A4 and 8.5" x 11" differ. -/- Traditionally, imperatives have been handled with deontic logics, not the logic of propositions which bear truth values. Yet, an imperative is issued by the speaker to cause (stay) actions which change the state of affairs, (...)
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  19. Jonathan Ginzburg & Robin Cooper, Resolving Ellipsis in Clarification.
    We offer a computational analysis of the resolution of ellipsis in certain cases of dialogue clarification. We show that this goes beyond standard techniques used in anaphora and ellipsis resolution and requires operations on highly structured, linguistically heterogeneous representations. We characterize these operations and the representations on which they operate. We offer an analysis couched in a version of Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar combined with a theory of information states (IS).
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  20. Jonathan Ginzburg & Robin Cooper (2004). Clarification, Ellipsis, and the Nature of Contextual Updates in Dialogue. Linguistics and Philosophy 27 (3):297-365.
    The paper investigates an elliptical construction, Clarification Ellipsis, that occurs in dialogue. We suggest that this provides data that demonstrates that updates resulting from utterances cannot be defined in purely semantic terms, contrary to the prevailing assumptions of existing approaches to dynamic semantics. We offer a computationally oriented analysis of the resolution of ellipsis in certain cases of dialogue clarification. We show that this goes beyond standard techniques used in anaphora and ellipsis resolution and requires operations on highly structured, linguistically (...)
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  21. James Griffith (2007). Ellipsis: Of Poetry and the Experience of Language After Heidegger, Hölderlin, and Blanchot. Graduate Faculty Philosophy Journal 28 (2):194-200.
    This is a review of a book by William S. Allen.
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  22. Chung-Hye Han & Maribel Romero, Ellipsis and Movement in the Syntax of Whether/Q...Or Questions.
    In English, a non-wh-question may have a disjunctive phrase explicitly providing the choices that the question ranges over. For example, in (1), the disjunction or not indicates that the the choice is between the positive and the negative polarity for the relevant proposition, as spelled out in the yes/no (yn)-question reading (2) and in the answers (2a,b). Another example is (3). The disjunction in (3) can be understood as providing the choices that the question ranges over, hence giving rise to (...)
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  23. D. Hardt (2004). Ellipsis and the Structure of Discourse. Journal of Semantics 21 (4):375-414.
    It is generally assumed that ellipsis requires parallelism between the clause containing the ellipsis and some antecedent clause. We argue that the parallelism requirement generated by ellipsis must be applied in accordance with discourse structure: a matching antecedent clause must be found that locally c‐commands the clause containing the ellipsis in the discourse tree. We show that this claim makes several correct predictions concerning the interpretation of ellipsis, both in terms of the selection of the antecedent (in sluicing and verb (...)
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  24. Daniel Hardt (1999). Dynamic Interpretation of Verb Phrase Ellipsis. Linguistics and Philosophy 22 (2):187-221.
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  25. P. Hendriks (2004). Coherence Relations, Ellipsis and Contrastive Topics. Journal of Semantics 21 (2):133-153.
    It has been observed (Kehler, 1996, Proceedings of the 22nd Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society; Kehler, 2000 Linguistics and Philosophy, 23, 533–575; Kehler, 2002 Coherence, Reference, and the Theory of Grammar) that ellipsis resolution processes interact with the inference processes underlying the establishment of coherence relations in discourse. For example, gapping only co‐occurs with the coherence relation of Resemblance. In this paper I show that the reason why certain ellipsis processes only co‐occur with certain types of coherence relations (...)
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  26. Jason Merchant http://homeuchicagoedu/~merchant/publicationshtml, An Asymmetry in Voice Mismatches in VP-Ellipsis and Pseudogapping.
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  27. Jason Merchant http://homeuchicagoedu/~merchant/publicationshtml, 3.4 Extensions.
    Given the above analysis for answer fragments, there is an obvious extension to other kinds of fragments which have often been analyzed as involving a kind of clausal ellipsis, such as stripping in its various manifestations and other related ‘elliptic conjunctions’, as well as perhaps gapping. The analysis of fragment answers proposed here is particularly reminiscent of movement approaches to stripping and gapping, as proposed in Sag 1976 and Pesetsky 1981, and articulared more recently in Johnson 1996, 2001, Kim (...)
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  28. Kyle Johnson, Few Dogs Eat Whiskas or Cats Alpo.
    One of the interests in the Gapping construction is the headache it causes for those trying to get constituency structure right. On the assumption that Gapping, like other processes of sentence grammar, respects constituency, it is very hard to deliver the right constituents in cases such as (1). (1) a. Some consider him honest and others consider him pleasant. b. The faculty brought scotch to the party and the students brought beer to the party. c. The girls occasionally ate peanuts (...)
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  29. Kyle Johnson, Gapping Isn't (VP) Ellipsis.
    Pseudogapping is no misnomer. Despite the many tempting similarities, Gapping and Pseudogapping are distinct constructions. Pseudogapping is a special instance of VP Ellipsis, while Gapping, I will argue, is a special instance of across-the-board movement. Squeezing Gapping into across-the-board movement has its own discomforts, however, which I will suggest can be remedied by re-tailoring our syntax to include string-based output constraints. I give a sketch of one such alteration that involves apparent Left Branch Condition violations.
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