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  1. Anthony E. Ades & Mark J. Steedman (1982). On the Order of Words. Linguistics and Philosophy 4 (4):517 - 558.
    There is no doubt that the model presented here is incomplete. Many important categories, particularly negation and the adverbials, have been entirely ignored, and the treatment of Tense and the affixes is certainly inadequate. It also remains to be seen how the many constructions that have been ignored here are to be accommodated within the framework that has been outlined. However, the fact that a standard categorial lexicon, plus the four rule schemata, seems to come close to exhaustively specifying the (...)
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  2. Keith Allan (1973). Complement Noun Phrases and Prepositional Phrases, Adjectives and Verbs. Foundations of Language 10 (3):377-397.
  3. Azeb Amha & Gerrit J. Dimmendaal (2005). Secondary Predicates and Adverbials in Nilotic and Omotic: A Typological Comparison. In Nikolaus Himmelmann & Eva Schultze-Berndt (eds.), Secondary Predication and Adverbial Modification: The Typology of Depictives. Oxford University Press 299.
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  4. Emmon W. Bach (1980). In Defense of Passive. Linguistics and Philosophy 3 (3):297 - 341.
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  5. Kathryn L. Baker, An Extended Account of 'Modal Flip' and Partial Verb Phrase Fronting in German.
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  6. Mark Baltin, May 29, 2001.
    Boeckx & Stjepanovic (2001) claim to have evidence from the analysis of pseudogapping that head movement is best viewed as not occurring in the overt syntax, but rather in the PF component. In this squib, I will show that all of the movements that are needed in the analysis of pseudo-gapping are phrasal, hence demonstrating that the analysis of pseudo-gapping shows nothing about the place of head movement in the grammar.1 Their evidence is based on Lasnik’s (1995) analysis of pseudo-gapping, (...)
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  7. Chris Barker (2005). Remark on Jacobson 1999: Crossover as a Local Constraint. [REVIEW] Linguistics and Philosophy 28 (4):447 - 472.
  8. Renate Bartsch (1976). The Grammar of Adverbials a Study in the Semantics and Syntax of Adverbial Constructions. Monograph Collection (Matt - Pseudo).
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  9. Frank Blake (1912). Comparative Syntax of the Combinations Formed by the Noun and Its Modifiers in Semitic. Journal of the American Oriental Society 32 (3):201-267.
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  10. James P. Blevins (1995). Syncretism and Paradigmatic Opposition. Linguistics and Philosophy 18 (2):113 - 152.
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  11. Jonathan David Bobaljik, Re: CycLin and the Role of PF in Object Shift.
    This volume’s two target articles explore novel approaches to word order alternations, especially Scandinavian Object Shift. They share the common perspective that aspects of linear order long considered the exclusive purview of syntax may be better understood if the burden of explanation is split between phonological and syntactic modules. The two articles differ substantially, however, in how this general hunch plays out, in particular in the amount of the explanation that is attributed to extra-syntactic factors. Fox and Pesetsky’s “Cyclic Linearization” (...)
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  12. E. R. Brandon (1993). Is "A Needs X" Elliptical? Grazer Philosophische Studien 45:125-134.
    While "A needs X" often calls for supplementation by the Y X is needed for, Thomson, Wiggins and Braybrooke have argued that there is a sense of "need" for which this is unnecessary. But Gricean conventions for conversation allow us to use ellipsis in a unified account of "need" while explaining the data Thomson and Wiggins appeal to: nondetatchment of bare needs from more fully specified ones, avoidance of serious harm as a default filling of the Y-slot, and the apparent (...)
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  13. Joan W. Bresnan (1973). Sentence Stress and Syntactic Transformations. In Jaakko Hintikka (ed.), Approaches to Natural Language. D. Reidel Publishing 3--47.
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  14. Berit Brogaard (2007). Number Words and Ontological Commitment. Philosophical Quarterly 57 (226):1–20.
    With the aid of some results from current linguistic theory I examine a recent anti-Fregean line with respect to hybrid talk of numbers and ordinary things, such as ‘the number of moons of Jupiter is four’. I conclude that the anti-Fregean line with respect to these sentences is indefensible.
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  15. Niclas Burenhult (2012). The Linguistic Encoding of Placement and Removal Events in Jahai. In Anetta Kopecka & Bhuvana Narasimhan (eds.), Events of "Putting" and "Taking": A Crosslinguistic Perspective. John Benjamins Pub. Co. 100--21.
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  16. C. Cacciari & M. C. Levorato (1991). Spilling the Beans on Childrens Comprehension and Production of Idioms. Bulletin of the Psychonomic Society 29 (6):498-498.
  17. W. R. Cantrall (1976). Viewpoint, Reflexives, and the Nature of Noun Phrases. Foundations of Language 14 (4):601-604.
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  18. Cheng-Fu Chen (2011). B. Understudied Tense Phenomena and Typological Variation. In Renate Musan & Monika Rathert (eds.), Tense Across Languages. Niemeyer 541--91.
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  19. Fox Chierchia (2012). Spector. Scalar Implicature as a Grammatical Phenomenon. In Klaus von Heusinger, Claudia Maienborn & Paul Portner (eds.), Semantics: An International Handbook of Natural Language Meaning. De Gruyter Mouton 3--2297.
  20. Noam Chomsky (1975). Questions of Form and Interpretation. Peter de Ridder Press.
  21. Noam A. Chomsky (1980). Rules and Representations. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 3 (127):1-61.
    The book from which these sections are excerpted is concerned with the prospects for assimilating the study of human intelligence and its products to the natural sciences through the investigation of cognitive structures, understood as systems of rules and representations that can be regarded as These mental structui′es serve as the vehicles for the exercise of various capacities. They develop in the mind on the basis of an innate endowment that permits the growth of rich and highly articulated structures along (...)
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  22. Sandra Chung (2008). Possessors and Definiteness Effects in Two Austronesian Languages. In Lisa Matthewson (ed.), Quantification: A Cross-Linguistic Perspective. Emerald 179--224.
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  23. Eve V. Clark (1981). Negative Verbs in Children's Speech. In W. Klein & W. Levelt (eds.), Crossing the Boundaries in Linguistics. Reidel 253--264.
  24. Hardt Daniel & Romero Maribel (2004). Ellipsis and the Structure of Discourse. Journal of Semantics 21 (4).
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  25. Reginald De Schryver (1987). Ennaji . Contrastive Syntax. English, Moroccan Arabic and Berber Complex Sentences. [REVIEW] Revue Belge de Philologie Et D’Histoire 65 (3):627-638.
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  26. R. M. W. Dixon & Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald (eds.) (2006). Complementation: A Cross-Linguistic Typology. Oxford University Press Uk.
    A complement clause is used instead of a noun phrase; for example one can say either I heard [the result] or I heard [that England beat France]. Languages differ in the grammatical properties of complement clauses, and the types of verbs which take them. Some languages lack a complement clause construction but instead employ other construction types to achieve similar ends; these are called complementation strategies. The book explores the variety of types of complementation found across the languages of the (...)
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  27. Ray C. Dougherty (1974). ""The Syntax and Semantics of" Each Other" Constructions. Foundations of Language 12 (1):1-47.
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  28. Scott A. Douglass & John R. Anderson (2008). A Model of Language Processing and Spatial Reasoning Using Skill Acquisition to Situate Action. In B. C. Love, K. McRae & V. M. Sloutsky (eds.), Proceedings of the 30th Annual Conference of the Cognitive Science Society. Cognitive Science Society 2281--2286.
  29. Eli Dresner (2001). Tarski's Restricted Form and Neale's Quantificational Treatment of Proper Names. Linguistics and Philosophy 24 (4):405-415.
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  30. Jane Duran (1997). Syntax, Imagery and Naturalization. Philosophia 25 (1-4):373-387.
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  31. Urs Egli (2000). Anaphora From Athens to Amsterdam. In Klaus von Heusinger & Urs Egli (eds.), Reference and Anaphoric Relations. Kluwer 17--29.
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  32. Elisabet Engdahl (1983). Parasitic Gaps. Linguistics and Philosophy 6 (1):5 - 34.
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  33. Donka F. Farkas, The Grammar of Polarity Particles in Romanian.
    The immediate aim of this paper is to account for the use and interpretation of polarity particles in general, and of the Romanian polarity particles da/nu/ba in particular. We exemplify the uses of da and nu in (1) and (3) respectively.
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  34. Donka F. Farkas (1988). On Obligatory Control. Linguistics and Philosophy 11 (1):27 - 58.
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  35. Hana Filip & Gregory N. Carlson (2001). Distributivity Strengthens Reciprocity, Collectivity Weakens It. Linguistics and Philosophy 24 (4):417-466.
    In this paper we examine interactions of the reciprocal with distributive and collective operators, which are encoded by prefixes on verbs expressing the reciprocal relation: namely, the Czech distributive po and the collectivizing na-. The theoretical import of this study is two-fold. First, it contributes to our knowledge of how word-internal operators interact with phrasal syntax/semantics. Second, the prefixes po and na generate (a range of) readings of reciprocal sentences for which the Strongest Meaning Hypothesis (SMH) proposed by Dalrymple et (...)
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  36. Susan D. Fischer (1973). Two Processes of Reduplication in the American Sign Language. Foundations of Language 9 (4):469-480.
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  37. Janet Dean Fodor (1983). Phrase Structure Parsing and the Island Constraints. Linguistics and Philosophy 6 (2):163 - 223.
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  38. Jon Robert Gajewski (2007). Neg-Raising and Polarity. Linguistics and Philosophy 30 (3):289-328.
    The representation of Neg-Raising in the grammar is a matter of controversy. I provide evidence for representing Neg-Raising as a kind of presupposition associated with certain predicates by providing a detailed analysis of NPI-licensing in Neg-Raising contexts. Specific features of presupposition projection are used to explain the licensing of strict NPIs under Neg-Raising predicates. Discussion centers around the analysis of a licensing asymmetry noted in Horn (1971, Negative transportation: Unsafe at any speed? In CLS 7 (pp. 120–133)).Having provided this analysis, (...)
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  39. Guillermo José Lorenzo González (2004). " The Noun Phrase", de Jan Rijkhoff. Teorema: International Journal of Philosophy 23 (1):240-247.
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  40. Marianne Gullberg & Niclas Burenhult (2012). Probing the Linguistic Encoding of Placement and Removal Events in Swedish. In Anetta Kopecka & Bhuvana Narasimhan (eds.), Events of "Putting" and "Taking": A Crosslinguistic Perspective. John Benjamins Pub. Co. 100--167.
  41. Takao Gunji (1983). Generalized Phrase Structure Grammar and Japanese Reflexivization. Linguistics and Philosophy 6 (1):115 - 156.
  42. John Haiman (1976). Agentless Sentences. Foundations of Language 14 (1):19-53.
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  43. Kenneth Hale, Eloise Jelinek & Mary Ann Willie (2003). Topic and Focus Scope Positions in Navajo. In Simin Karimi (ed.), Word Order and Scrambling. Blackwell Pub. 1.
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  44. Michael Hand (1993). Parataxis and Parentheticals. Linguistics and Philosophy 16 (5):495 - 507.
    I have proposed that the complementizerthat has a pragmatic property of demonstrativity, analogous to that ascribed by demonstrative analyses of the semantics of the complementizer but not impinging on the syntactic analysis of sentential embedding. My account explains a number of phenomena, including the illocutionary peculiarities of parentheticals, the pragmatics ofthat-omission, and consequently the distributional statistics ofthat-omission and related grammatical features of embeddings reported in the literature. By this means these phenomena are theoretically unified under a single hypothesis.Furthermore, this demonstrativity (...)
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  45. Martha James Hardman (1986). Data-Source Marking in the Jaqi Languages. In Wallace L. Chafe & Johanna Nichols (eds.), Evidentiality: The Linguistic Coding of Epistemology. Ablex Pub. Corp. 136.
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  46. Daniel Hardt & Maribel Romero (2004). Ellipsis and Discourse Structure. Journal of Semantics 21:375-414.
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  47. Robert Harnish (2008). Robert Stainton, Words and Thoughts: Subsentences, Ellipsis and the Philosophy of Language. [REVIEW] Philosophy in Review 28:442-445.
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  48. Martin Harris (1986). “Aspects Of Subordination In English And Other Languages,”. Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 69 (1):195-209.
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  49. Martin Haspelmath (2009). The Best-Supported Language Universals Refer to Scalar Patterns Deriving From Processing Cost. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 32 (5):457-458.
    Conditional universals have always interested linguists more than unrestricted universals, which are often impossible to demonstrate empirically because categories cannot be defined in a cross-linguistically meaningful way. But deep dependencies have not been confirmed by more recent empirical research, and those universals with solid empirical support mostly relate to scalar patterns that can plausibly be related to processing cost.
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  50. Arild Hestvik (forthcoming). Hestvik, A.(1995). Reflexives and Ellipsis. Natural Language Semantics.
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