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  1. Dominick T. Armentano (1992). Anti‐Antitrust: Ideology or Economics? Reply to Scherer. Critical Review 6 (1):29-39.
    F.M. Scherer has not effectively rebutted my subjectivist criticism of the standard microeconomic welfare model; Scherer's historical reference to what Congress (allegedly) believed is irrelevant to the theoretical concerns raised by subjectivism. Nor does my ?principal? criticism of antitrust policy rests on ?philosophical foundations?; my principal criticism rests on conventional economic analysis and a detailed economic history of the classic antitrust cases. My conclusion that the electrical equipment conspiracy of the late 1950s had no significant effect on market prices is (...)
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  2. Daniel Attas & Avner de-Shalit (2004). Workfare: The Subjection of Labour. Journal of Applied Philosophy 21 (3):309-320.
    When viewed as a question of distributive justice the evaluation of workfare typically reflects exclusively on the distribution of income: do the physically capable have a justified claim for state support, or is it fair to demand from those who do work to subsidise this support? Rarely is workfare appraised in terms of how it affects other parties such as employers or other workers, and on the structural effects the pattern of incentives it generates brings about, or as an issue (...)
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  3. Robin Attfield (1984). Work and the Human Essence. Journal of Applied Philosophy 1 (1):141-150.
    Jenkins and Sherman hold that belief in the value of work is artificially inculcated and that a ‘leisure society’ is desirable and possible, as well as being necessitated by the introduction of microprocessors. After distinguishing between meaningful work and labour (first section), I reply obliquely to their case by contending that meaningful work affords most people their best chance of the necessary good of self-respect (second section), and that it constitutes the exercise of an essential human capacity, the development of (...)
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  4. Nicholas Bardsley (2007). Teamwork: Multi-Disciplinary Perspectives, Edited by Natalie Gold. Palgrave Macmillan, 2005, XXVI+253 Pages. [REVIEW] Economics and Philosophy 23 (2):237-240.
  5. Martin Barrett & Daniel Hausman (1990). Making Interpersonal Comparisons Coherently. Economics and Philosophy 6 (02):293-.
    Many ethical theories, including in particular consequentialist moral the ories, require comparisons of the amount of good possessed or received by different people. In the case of some goods, such as monetary income, wealth, education, or health, such comparisons are relatively unproblematic. Even in the case of such goods there may be serious empirical measurement problems, but there appear to be no difficulties in principle. Thus Cooter and Rappoport (1984) maintained that there was no serious difficulty of making interpersonal utility (...)
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  6. Kaushik Basu (2010). The Moral Basis of Prosperity and Oppression: Altruism, Other-Regarding Behaviour and Identity. Economics and Philosophy 26 (2):189-216.
    Much of economics is built on the assumption that individuals are driven by self-interest and economic development is an outcome of the free play of such individuals. On the few occasions that the existence of altruism is recognized in economics, the tendency is to build this from the axiom of individual selfishness. The aim of this paper is to break from this tradition and to treat as a primitive that individuals are endowed with the , which allows them to work (...)
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  7. Bradley W. Bateman (1987). Keynes's Changing Conception of Probability. Economics and Philosophy 3 (01):97-.
  8. Cristina Bicchieri & Alex K. Chavez (2013). Norm Manipulation, Norm Evasion: Experimental Evidence. Economics and Philosophy 29 (2):175-198.
    Using an economic bargaining game, we tested for the existence of two phenomena related to social norms, namely norm manipulation and norm evasion – the deliberate, private violation of a social norm. We found that the manipulation of a norm of fairness was characterized by a self-serving bias in beliefs about what constituted normatively acceptable behaviour, so that an individual who made an uneven bargaining offer not only genuinely believed it was fair, but also believed that recipients found it fair, (...)
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  9. Peter Breiner (1995). The Political Logic of Economics and the Economic Logic of Modernity in Max Weber. Political Theory 23 (1):25-47.
    The explanation of everything by economic causes alone is never exhaustive in any sense whatsoever, in any sphere of cultural phenomena, not even in the economic sphere itself. Max Weber, “Objectivity”in Social Science and Social Policy (1904).
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  10. Geoffrey Brennan & Loren Lomasky (1985). The Impartial Spectator Goes to Washington: Toward a Smithian Theory of Electoral Behavior. Economics and Philosophy 1 (2):189-211.
  11. Geoffrey Brennan & Loren E. Lomasky (1987). The Logic of Electoral Preference: Response to Saraydar and Hudelson. Economics and Philosophy 3 (01):131-.
  12. Marc A. Cohen (2014). Genuine, Non-Calculative Trust with Calculative Antecedents: Reconsidering Williamson on Trust. Journal of Trust Research 4 (1):44-56.
    This short paper defends Oliver Williamson’s (1993) claim that talk of trust is ‘redundant at best and can be misleading’ when trust is defined as a form of calculated risk (p. 463). And this paper accepts Williamson’s claim that ‘Calculative trust is a contradiction in terms’ (p. 463). But the present paper defends a conception of genuine, non-calculative trust that is compatible with calculative considerations and calculative antecedents. This conception of trust creates space for genuine (non-calculative) trust relationships in the (...)
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  13. Sheila C. Dow & Dipak Ghosh (2009). Fuzzy Logic and Keynes's Speculative Demand for Money. Journal of Economic Methodology 16 (1):57-69.
    The purpose of the paper is to explore the potential for using fuzzy logic to analyse economic decision?making under Keynesian uncertainty, and in particular in circumstances where variety of opinion is important. Fuzzy logic is shown to apply where expectations may differ because the nature of the subject matter impedes any ?crisp? way of describing the underlying variables. The particular case of the speculative demand for money is considered, since it explicitly reflects variety of opinion as to whether interest rates (...)
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  14. John H. Finch (2002). The Role of Grounded Theory in Developing Economic Theory. Journal of Economic Methodology 9 (2):213-234.
    Grounded theory is examined as a means of undertaking economics research that aims at theoretical development and generalization rather than testing established theories. Grounded theory encompasses a set of procedures for undertaking and analysing case studies--qualitative and quantitative--in a systematic and comparative manner. These procedures are set out, and illustrations of theory developed in close connection with business decision-making and industry competition are drawn from P.W.S. Andrews' post-Marshallian industry studies, Cyert and March's Behavioral Theory of the Firm , and Sutton's (...)
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  15. Giuseppe Freni & Neri Salvadori (1996). Property and Prices. Toward a Unified Theory of Value, André Burgstaller. Cambridge University Press, 1994, Xi + 242 Pages. [REVIEW] Economics and Philosophy 12 (02):240-.
  16. Margaret P. Gilbert (2001). Collective Preferences, Obligations, and Rational Choice. Economics and Philosophy 17 (1):109-119.
    Can teams and other collectivities have preferences of their own, preferences that are not in some way reducible to the personal preferences of their members? In short, are collective preferences possible? In everyday life people speak easily of what we prefer, where what is at issue seems to be a collective preference. This is suggested by the acceptability of such remarks as ‘My ideal walk would be . . . along rougher and less well-marked paths than we prefer as a (...)
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  17. Donald Gillies (1997). Probability Foundations of Economic Theory, Charles R. McCann Jr Routledge, 1994, 171 + Xvi Pages. Economics and Philosophy 13 (01):132-.
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  18. M. Hammersley (2011). On Becker's Studies of Marijuana Use as an Example of Analytic Induction. Philosophy of the Social Sciences 41 (4):535-566.
    Analytic induction (AI) is an interpretation of scientific method that emerged in early twentieth-century sociology and still has some influence today. Among the studies often cited as examples are Becker’s articles on marijuana use. While these have been given less attention than the work of Lindesmith on opiate addiction and Cressey on financial trust violation, Becker’s work has distinctive features. Furthermore, it raises some important and interesting issues that relate not only to AI but to social scientific explanation more generally. (...)
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  19. David L. Hammes & Lawrence A. Boland (1984). Neoclassical Vs. Classical Economic Models. Philosophy of the Social Sciences 14 (1):107-113.
  20. Scott Scheall, Hayek's Epistemic Theory of Industrial Fluctuations.
    F.A. Hayek essentially quit economic theory and gave up the phenomena of industrial fluctuations as an explicit object of theoretical investigation following the publication of his last work in technical economics, 1941’s The Pure Theory of Capital. Nonetheless, several of Hayek’s more methodologically-oriented writings bear important implications for economic phenomena, especially those of industrial fluctuations. Decisions (usually, for Hayek, of a political nature) taken on the basis of a “pretence” of knowledge impede the operation of the price system’s belief-coordinating function (...)
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  21. Barry Smith (1990). Aristotle, Menger, Mises: An Essay in the Metaphysics of Economics. History of Political Economy, Annual Supplement 22:263-288.
    There are, familiarly, a range of distinct and competing accounts of the methodological underpinnings of Menger' s work. These include Leibnizian, Kantian, Millian, and even Popperian readings; but they include also readings of an Aristotelian sort, and I have myself made a number of contributions in clarification and defence of the latter. Not only, I have argued, does the historical situation in which Menger found himself point to the inevitability of the Aristotelian reading; this reading fits also very naturally to (...)
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  22. David Teira (2009). Why Friedman's Methodology Did Not Generate Consensus Among Economists? Journal of the History of Economic Thought 31 (2):201-214.
    In this paper I study how the theoretical categories of consumption theory were used by Milton Friedman in order to classify empirical data and obtain predictions. Friedman advocated a case by case definition of these categories that traded theoretical coherence for empirical content. I contend that this methodological strategy puts a clear incentive to contest any prediction contrary to our interest: it can always be argued that these predictions rest on a wrong classification of data. My conjecture is that this (...)
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