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  1. Bradley W. Bateman (1987). Keynes's Changing Conception of Probability. Economics and Philosophy 3 (01):97-.
  2. Peter Breiner (1995). The Political Logic of Economics and the Economic Logic of Modernity in Max Weber. Political Theory 23 (1):25-47.
    The explanation of everything by economic causes alone is never exhaustive in any sense whatsoever, in any sphere of cultural phenomena, not even in the economic sphere itself. Max Weber, “Objectivity”in Social Science and Social Policy (1904).
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  3. Geoffrey Brennan & Loren Lomasky (1985). The Impartial Spectator Goes to Washington: Toward a Smithian Theory of Electoral Behavior. Economics and Philosophy 1 (2):189-211.
  4. Geoffrey Brennan & Loren E. Lomasky (1987). The Logic of Electoral Preference: Response to Saraydar and Hudelson. Economics and Philosophy 3 (01):131-.
  5. Marc A. Cohen (forthcoming). Genuine, Non-Calculative Trust with Calculative Antecedents: Reconsidering Williamson on Trust. Journal of Trust Research 4 (1).
    This short paper defends Oliver Williamson’s (1993) claim that talk of trust is ‘redundant at best and can be misleading’ when trust is defined as a form of calculated risk (p. 463). And this paper accepts Williamson’s claim that ‘Calculative trust is a contradiction in terms’ (p. 463). But the present paper defends a conception of genuine, non-calculative trust that is compatible with calculative considerations and calculative antecedents. This conception of trust creates space for genuine (non-calculative) trust relationships in the (...)
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  6. Sheila C. Dow & Dipak Ghosh (2009). Fuzzy Logic and Keynes's Speculative Demand for Money. Journal of Economic Methodology 16 (1):57-69.
    The purpose of the paper is to explore the potential for using fuzzy logic to analyse economic decision?making under Keynesian uncertainty, and in particular in circumstances where variety of opinion is important. Fuzzy logic is shown to apply where expectations may differ because the nature of the subject matter impedes any ?crisp? way of describing the underlying variables. The particular case of the speculative demand for money is considered, since it explicitly reflects variety of opinion as to whether interest rates (...)
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  7. John H. Finch (2002). The Role of Grounded Theory in Developing Economic Theory. Journal of Economic Methodology 9 (2):213-234.
    Grounded theory is examined as a means of undertaking economics research that aims at theoretical development and generalization rather than testing established theories. Grounded theory encompasses a set of procedures for undertaking and analysing case studies--qualitative and quantitative--in a systematic and comparative manner. These procedures are set out, and illustrations of theory developed in close connection with business decision-making and industry competition are drawn from P.W.S. Andrews' post-Marshallian industry studies, Cyert and March's Behavioral Theory of the Firm , and Sutton's (...)
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  8. Giuseppe Freni & Neri Salvadori (1996). Property and Prices. Toward a Unified Theory of Value, André Burgstaller. Cambridge University Press, 1994, Xi + 242 Pages. [REVIEW] Economics and Philosophy 12 (02):240-.
  9. Margaret P. Gilbert (2001). Collective Preferences, Obligations, and Rational Choice. Economics and Philosophy 17 (1):109-119.
    Can teams and other collectivities have preferences of their own, preferences that are not in some way reducible to the personal preferences of their members? In short, are collective preferences possible? In everyday life people speak easily of what we prefer, where what is at issue seems to be a collective preference. This is suggested by the acceptability of such remarks as ‘My ideal walk would be . . . along rougher and less well-marked paths than we prefer as a (...)
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  10. Donald Gillies (1997). Probability Foundations of Economic Theory, Charles R. McCann Jr Routledge, 1994, 171 + Xvi Pages. Economics and Philosophy 13 (01):132-.
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  11. M. Hammersley (2011). On Becker's Studies of Marijuana Use as an Example of Analytic Induction. Philosophy of the Social Sciences 41 (4):535-566.
    Analytic induction (AI) is an interpretation of scientific method that emerged in early twentieth-century sociology and still has some influence today. Among the studies often cited as examples are Becker’s articles on marijuana use. While these have been given less attention than the work of Lindesmith on opiate addiction and Cressey on financial trust violation, Becker’s work has distinctive features. Furthermore, it raises some important and interesting issues that relate not only to AI but to social scientific explanation more generally. (...)
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  12. David L. Hammes & Lawrence A. Boland (1984). Neoclassical Vs. Classical Economic Models. Philosophy of the Social Sciences 14 (1):107-113.
  13. Scott Scheall, Hayek's Epistemic Theory of Industrial Fluctuations.
    F.A. Hayek essentially quit economic theory and gave up the phenomena of industrial fluctuations as an explicit object of theoretical investigation following the publication of his last work in technical economics, 1941’s The Pure Theory of Capital. Nonetheless, several of Hayek’s more methodologically-oriented writings bear important implications for economic phenomena, especially those of industrial fluctuations. Decisions (usually, for Hayek, of a political nature) taken on the basis of a “pretence” of knowledge impede the operation of the price system’s belief-coordinating function (...)
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  14. Barry Smith (1990). Aristotle, Menger, Mises: An Essay in the Metaphysics of Economics. History of Political Economy, Annual Supplement 22:263-288.
    There are, familiarly, a range of distinct and competing accounts of the methodological underpinnings of Menger' s work. These include Leibnizian, Kantian, Millian, and even Popperian readings; but they include also readings of an Aristotelian sort, and I have myself made a number of contributions in clarification and defence of the latter. Not only, I have argued, does the historical situation in which Menger found himself point to the inevitability of the Aristotelian reading; this reading fits also very naturally to (...)
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  15. David Teira (2009). Why Friedman's Methodology Did Not Generate Consensus Among Economists? Journal of the History of Economic Thought 31 (2):201-214.
    In this paper I study how the theoretical categories of consumption theory were used by Milton Friedman in order to classify empirical data and obtain predictions. Friedman advocated a case by case definition of these categories that traded theoretical coherence for empirical content. I contend that this methodological strategy puts a clear incentive to contest any prediction contrary to our interest: it can always be argued that these predictions rest on a wrong classification of data. My conjecture is that this (...)
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