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  1. Banu Bargu (2009). The Weaponization of Life. Constellations 16 (4):634-643.
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  2. Aaron Ben-Ze'ev & Ruhama Goussinsky (2008). In The Name of Love: Romantic Ideology and its Victims. OUP Oxford.
    We yearn to experience the idealized love depicted in so many novels, movies, poems, and popular songs. Ironically, it is the idealization of love that arms it with its destructive power. Popular media consistently remind us that love is all we need, but statistics concerning the rate of depression and suicides after divorce or romantic break up remind us what might happened if "all that we need" is taken away. This book is about our ideals of love, our experiences, of (...)
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  3. Roger Burggraeve (1999). Violence and the Vulnerable Face of the Other: The Vision of Emmanuel Levinas on Moral Evil and Our Responsibility. Journal of Social Philosophy 30 (1):29-45.
  4. Claudia Card (2002). The Atrocity Paradigm: A Theory of Evil. Oxford University Press.
    What distinguishes evils from ordinary wrongs? Is hatred a necessarily evil? Are some evils unforgivable? Are there evils we should tolerate? What can make evils hard to recognize? Are evils inevitable? How can we best respond to and live with evils? Claudia Card offers a secular theory of evil that responds to these questions and more. Evils, according to her theory, have two fundamental components. One component is reasonably foreseeable intolerable harm -- harm that makes a life indecent and impossible (...)
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  5. Ben Corson (2001). Transcending Violence in Derrida: A Reply to John McCormick. Political Theory 29 (6):866-875.
  6. Boudewijn de Bruin (2008). Media Violence and Freedom of Speech: How to Use Empirical Data. [REVIEW] Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 11 (5):493-505.
    Susan Hurley has argued against a well known argument for freedom of speech, the argument from autonomy, on the basis of two hypotheses about violence in the media and aggressive behaviour. The first hypothesis says that exposure to media violence causes aggressive behaviour; the second, that humans have an innate tendency to copy behaviour in ways that bypass conscious deliberation. I argue, first, that Hurley is not successful in setting aside the argument from autonomy. Second, I show that the empirical (...)
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  7. David Degrazia (2003). Identity, Killing, and the Boundaries of Our Existence. Philosophy and Public Affairs 31 (4):413–442.
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  8. Krzysztof Dunin-Wąsowicz (2006). The Socialist Movement in the Warsaw Uprising. Dialogue and Universalism 16 (7-9):89-110.
    The decision to start the uprising rested chiefly with a few persons from the high command of the Home Army. Political authorities, including Kazimierz Pużak, PPS and the National Unity Council leader, had no influence on the Uprising outbreak and date decisions.Immediately after the uprising outbreak, the socialist movement joined the action, both in the civilian and military area, as did all socialist movement factions. A very important role was played by the well-developed and influential press, coming out in all (...)
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  9. Kimberly Hutchings Elizabeth Frazer (2008). On Politics and Violence: Arendt Contra Fanon. Contemporary Political Theory 7 (1):90.
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  10. Michael Feola (2014). Norms, Vision and Violence: Judith Butler on the Politics of Legibility. Contemporary Political Theory 13 (2):130-148.
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  11. Christopher J. Finlay (2006). Violence and Revolutionary Subjectivity Marx to Žižek. European Journal of Political Theory 5 (4):373-397.
    The purpose of this article is to explore the relationship between revolution and violence in Marxism and in a series of texts drawing on Marxian theory. Part 1 outlines the basic normative frameworks which determine the outer limits of permissible violence in Marxism. Part 2 presents a critical analysis of a series of later discussions - by Sorel, Fanon and Žižek - which transformed the terms in which violence was discussed by developing one particular aspect of Marxist thought. By teasing (...)
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  12. Paul Formosa (2008). The Problems with Evil. Contemporary Political Theory 7 (4):395-415.
    The concept of evil has been an unpopular one in many recent Western political and ethical discourses. One way to justify this neglect is by pointing to the many problemswiththe concept of evil. The standard grievances brought against the very concept of evil include: that it has no proper place in secular political and ethical discourses; that it is a demonizing term of hatred that leads to violence; that it is necessarily linked with outdated notions of body and sexuality; and (...)
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  13. Sharon E. Hartline (1997). Battered Woman Who Kill: Victims and Agents of Violence. Journal of Social Philosophy 28 (2):56-67.
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  14. Jonathan Herington (2012). The Concept of Security. In Michael Selgelid & Christian Enemark (eds.), Ethical and Security Aspects of Infectious Disease Control: Interdisciplinary Perspectives. Ashgate.
    This chapter provides a philosophical analysis of the different meanings of “security” and, by so doing, identifies some key features of the concept of security. I begin by establishing a number of qualities which this chapter’s conceptual analysis should ideally possess. I then make an important distinction between security as a practice and security as a state of being, and argue that more attention should be paid to the latter if our goal is to interrogate the justifiability of using security (...)
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  15. Hans Köchler (1980). Violence and Humanity. Philosophical and Political Manifestations of Modernity. Philosophy and History 13 (2):164-165.
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  16. Julia Kristeva, Pascale Fautrier, Anne Strasser & Pierre-Louis Fort (eds.) (2008). (Re) Découvrir L’Œuvre de Simone de Beauvoir – Du Deuxième Sexe à La Cérémonie des Adieux. Éditions Le Bord de l’Eau.
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  17. Joseph Kupfer (1980). Ultra-Violence. Journal of Social Philosophy 11 (2):15-22.
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  18. Marguerite la Caze (2009). Derrida: Opposing Death Penalties. Derrida Today 2 (2):186-199.
    Derrida's purpose in ‘Death Penalties’ (2004), is to show how both arguments in favour of capital punishment, exemplified by Kant's, and arguments for its abolition, such as those of Beccaria, are deconstructible. He claims that ‘never, to my knowledge, has any philosopher as a philosopher, in his or her own strictly and systematically philosophical discourse, never has any philosophy as such contested the legitimacy of the death penalty.’ (2004, 146) Derrida also asks how it is possible ‘to abolish the death (...)
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  19. Hugh LaFollette (2001). Controlling Guns. Criminal Justice Ethics 20 (1):34-39.
    Wheeler, Stark, and Stell have raised many interesting points concerning gun control that merit extended treatment. Here, however, I will focus only on two. I will then briefly expand on the proposal I offered in the original paper.
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  20. John S. Lawrence (1970). The Moral Attractiveness of Violence. Journal of Social Philosophy 1 (1):7-9.
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  21. Jason Royce Lindsey (2013). Vattimo's Renunciation of Violence. Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 16 (1):99-111.
    For Gianni Vattimo, the renunciation of violence is the starting point for constructing a post foundational politics. So far, criticism of Vattimo’s argument has focused on his larger commitment to metaphysical nihilism and whether the renunciation of violence is a thicker principle than his post foundational philosophy can support. I argue that Vattimo’s renunciation of violence can also be criticized for two other reasons. First, Vattimo attempts to distinguish between acceptable and unacceptable uses of violence through an under developed idea (...)
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  22. Catriona McKenzie & Sarah Sorial (2011). The Limits of the Public Sphere: The Advocacy of Violence. Critical Horizons 12 (2):165-188.
    In this paper, we give an account of some of the necessary conditions for an effectively functioning public sphere, and then explore the question of whether these conditions allow for the expression of ideas and values that are fundamentally incompatible with those of liberalism. We argue that speakers who advocate or glorify violence against democratic institutions fall outside the parameters of what constitutes legitimate public debate and may in fact undermine the conditions necessary for the flourishing of free speech and (...)
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  23. Margaret A. McLaren (2003). The Subject of Violence: Arendtean Exercises in Understanding (Review). Hypatia 18 (2):205-208.
  24. Ted H. Miller (2008). The Two Deaths of Lady Macduff: Antimetaphysics, Violence, and William Davenant's Restoration Revision of "Macbeth". Political Theory 36 (6):856 - 882.
    Stephen White and Gianni Vattimo have argued in favor of weak ontological thought. Particularly for White, weak ontology's contestable fundamentals are a superior response to strong ontologies, including the violence linked to them. I make a historically comparative evaluation of their arguments. The evaluation draws on William Davenant's Restoration revision of Shakespeare's "Macbeth". Davenant's play defends Charles II's sovereignty against the strong ontological claims of orthodox Anglicans. Lady Macduff's much expanded role and the death she suffers, in contrast to her (...)
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  25. Donovan Miyasaki (2008). La Violence Politique Comme Mauvaise Foi Dans Le Sang des Autres. In Julia Kristeva, Pascale Fautrier, Anne Strasser & Pierre-Louis Fort (eds.), (Re) découvrir l’œuvre de Simone de Beauvoir – Du Deuxième Sexe à La Cérémonie des adieux. Éditions Le Bord de l’Eau.
    The Blood of Others begins at the bedside of a mortally wounded Résistance fighter named Hélène Bertrand. We encounter her from the point of view of Jean Blomart, her friend and lover, who recounts the story of their relationship : their first meeting, unhappy romance, bitter breakup, and eventual reunion as fellow fighters for the liberation of occupied France. The novel invites the reader to interpret Hélène and Jean’s story as one of positive ethical development. On this progressive reading, although (...)
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  26. David Morrice (1996). On the Justification of Political Violence. Cogito 10 (2):135-142.
  27. Jan Narveson (1980). Violence and War. In Tom L. Beauchamp & Tom Regan (eds.), Matters of Life and Death. Temple University Press.
  28. Johanna Oksala (2012). Foucault, Politics, and Violence. Northwestern University Press.
    The politicization of ontology -- Foundational violence -- Dangerous animals -- The politics of gendered violence -- Political life -- The management of state violence -- The political ontology of neoliberalism -- Violence and neoliberal governmentality -- Terror and political spirituality.
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  29. Johanna Oksala (2011). Violence and Neoliberal Governmentality. Constellations 18 (3):474-486.
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  30. Glen Pettigrove & Nigel Parsons (2012). Shame: A Case Study of Collective Emotion. Social Theory and Practice 38 (3):504-530.
    This paper outlines what we call a network model of collective emotions. Drawing upon this model, we explore the significance of collective emotions in the Palestine-Israel conflict. We highlight some of the ways in which collective shame, in particular, has contributed to the evolution of this conflict. And we consider some of the obstacles that shame and the pride-restoring narratives to which it gave birth pose to the conflict’s resolution.
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  31. Danielle Poe (ed.) (2011). Communities of Peace: Confronting Injustice and Creating Justice. Rodopi.
    This volume examines the many ways in which violence, domination, and oppression manifest themselves.
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  32. Paul Prescott (forthcoming). Unthinkable ≠ Unknowable: On Charlotte Delbo's 'Il Faut Donner à Voir'. Journal of Value Inquiry:1-12.
    This paper is an attempt to articulate and defend a new imperative, Auschwitz survivor Charlotte Delbo’s Il faut donner à voir: “They must be made to see.” Assuming the ‘they’ in Delbo’s imperative is ‘us’ gives rise to three questions: (1) what must we see? (2) can we see it? and (3) why is it that we must? I maintain that what we must see is the reality of evil; that we are by and large unwilling, and often unable, to (...)
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  33. John Protevi, Political Physiology in High School: Columbine and After.
    In this paper I investigate the mechanics of killing, brining together neuroscience, military history, and the work of the French philosophers Gilles Deleuze & Félix Guattari. Investigating the Columbine killers and the way they negotiate with the intensity of the act of killing allows me to construct a concept of “political physiology,” defined as “interlocking intensive processes that articulate the patterns, thresholds, and triggers of emergent bodies, forming assemblages linking the social and the somatic, with sometimes the subjective (...)
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  34. David T. Risser (1999). Violence, Oppresssion. In Christopher B. Gray (ed.), The Philosophy of Law: An Encyclopedia (vol. 2). Garland Publishing, Inc.:893-895.
  35. Lucinda Rush & D. E. Wittkower (eds.) (2013). Ender's Game and Philosophy. Open Court.
  36. Sally J. Scholz (1998). Peacemaking in Domestic Violence: From an Ethics of Care to an Ethics of Advocacy. Journal of Social Philosophy 29 (2):46-58.
  37. Gabriella Slomp (2009). Carl Schmitt and the Politics of Hostility, Violence and Terror. Palgrave Macmillan.
  38. John Somerville (1952). A Key Problem of Current Political Philosophy: The Issue of Force and Violence. Philosophy of Science 19 (2):156-165.
  39. Sarah Sorial (2011). Politics of Violence. Critical Horizons 12 (2):163-164.
    The problem of political violence, its justifiability, and the question of how we ought to respond to it has been the subject of extensive debate since September 11, 2001, and subsequent terrorist attacks in Madrid (2004), London (2005), Bali (2005) and Mumbai (2008). The phenomenon of political violence is by no means new; nor have the measures taken by Western governments in response to recent terrorist attacks been unprecedented.
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  40. Michael Staudigl (2013). Towards a Relational Phenomenology of Violence. Human Studies 36 (1):43-66.
    This article elaborates a relational phenomenology of violence. Firstly, it explores the constitution of all sense in its intrinsic relation with our embodiment and intercorporality. Secondly, it shows how this relational conception of sense and constitution paves the path for an integrative understanding of the bodily and symbolic constituents of violence. Thirdly, the author addresses the overall consequences of these reflections, thereby identifying the main characteristics of a relational phenomenology of violence. In the final part, the paper provides an exemplification (...)
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  41. Uwe Steinhoff, Justifying Defense Against Non-Responsible Threats and Justified Aggressors: The Liability Vs. The Rights-Infringement Account.
    Even among those who find lethal defense against non-responsible threats, innocent aggressors, or justified aggressors justified even in one to one cases, there is a debate as to what the best explanation of this permissibility is. The contenders in this debate are the liability account, which holds that the non-responsible or justified human targets of the defensive measures are liable to attack (that is, they do not have a right not to be attacked), and the justified infringement account, which claims (...)
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  42. Uwe Steinhoff, McMahan, Symmetrical Defense and the Moral Equality of Combatants.
    McMahan’s own example of a symmetrical defense case, namely his tactical bomber example, opens the door wide open for soldiers to defend their fellow-citizens (on grounds of their special obligations towards them) even if as part of this defense they target non-liable soldiers. So the soldiers on both sides would be permitted to kill each other and, given how McMahan defines “justification,” they would also be justified in doing so and hence not be liable. Thus, we arrive, against McMahan’s intentions, (...)
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  43. Uwe Steinhoff, On Renzo’s Attempt to Ground State Legitimacy in a Right to Self-Defense.
    Massimo Renzo has recently offered a theory of legitimacy that attempts to ground the state’s right to rule on the assumption that people in the state of nature pose an unjust threat to each other and can therefore, in self-defense, be forced to enter the state, that is, to become subject to its authority. I argue that depending on how “unjust threat” is interpreted in Renzo’s self-defense argument for the authority of the state, either his premise that “those who pose (...)
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  44. Uwe Steinhoff, Firth and Quong on Liability to Defensive Harm: A Critique.
    Joanna Mary Firth and Jonathan Quong argue that both an instrumental account of liability to defensive harm, according to which an aggressor can only be liable to defensive harms that are necessary to avert the threat he poses, and a purely noninstrumental account which completely jettisons the necessity condition, lead to very counterintuitive implications. To remedy this situation, they offer a “pluralist” account and base it on a distinction between “agency rights” and a “humanitarian right.” I argue, first, that this (...)
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  45. Uwe Steinhoff (2014). Why We Shouldn't Reject Conflicts: A Critique of Tadros. Res Publica 20 (3):315-322.
    Victor Tadros thinks the idea that in a conflict both sides may permissibly use force should (typically) be rejected. Thus, he thinks that two shipwrecked persons should not fight for the only available flotsam (which can only carry one person) but instead toss a coin, and that a bomber justifiably attacking an ammunitions factory must not be counterattacked by the innocent bystanders he endangers. I shall argue that Tadros’s claim rests on unwarranted assumptions and is also mistaken in the light (...)
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  46. Uwe Steinhoff (2013). Helen Frowe’s “Practical Account of Self-Defence”: A Critique. Public Reason 5 (1):87-96.
    Helen Frowe has recently offered what she calls a “practical” account of self-defense. Her account is supposed to be practical by being subjectivist about permissibility and objectivist about liability. I shall argue here that Frowe first makes up a problem that does not exist and then fails to solve it. To wit, her claim that objectivist accounts of permissibility cannot be action-guiding is wrong; and her own account of permissibility actually retains an objectivist (in the relevant sense) element. In addition, (...)
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  47. Uwe Steinhoff (2013). Rodin on Self-Defense and the “Myth” of National Self-Defense: A Refutation. Philosophia 41 (4):1017-1036.
    David Rodin denies that defensive wars against unjust aggression can be justified if the unjust aggression limits itself, for example, to the annexation of territory, the robbery of resources or the restriction of political freedom, but would endanger the lives, bodily integrity or freedom from slavery of the citizens only if the unjustly attacked state (or someone else) actually resisted the aggression. I will argue that Rodin’s position is not correct. First, Rodin’s comments on the necessity condition and its relation (...)
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  48. Uwe Steinhoff (2009). What Is War—And Can a Lone Individual Wage One? International Journal of Applied Philosophy 23 (1):133-150.
    Practically all modern definitions of war rule out that individuals can wage war. They conceive of war as a certain kind of conflict between groups. In fact, many definitions even restrict the term “war” to sustained armed conflicts between states. Instead of taking such definitions as points of departure, the article starts from scratch. I first explain what an explication of the concept of “war” should achieve. I then introduce the fundamental, and frequently overlooked, distinction between war as an historical (...)
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  49. Shari Stone-Mediatore (2010). Epistemologies of Discomfort: What Military-Family Anti-War Activists Can Teach Us About Knowledge of Violence. Studies in Social Justice 4 (1):25-45.
    This paper examines the particular relevance of feminist critiques of epistemic authority in contexts of institutionalized violence. Reading feminist criticism of “experts” together with theorists of institutionalized violence, Stone-Mediatore argues that typical expert modes of thinking are incapable of rigorous knowledge of institutionalized violence because such knowledge requires a distinctive kind of thinking-within-discomfort for which conventionally trained experts are ill-suited. The author demonstrates the limitations of “expert” modes of thinking with reference to writings on the Iraq war by Michael Ignatieff (...)
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  50. Joan C. Tronto (2010). Violence and Social Justice. Contemporary Political Theory 9 (4):513.
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