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  1. Banu Bargu (2009). The Weaponization of Life. Constellations 16 (4):634-643.
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  2. Aaron Ben-Ze'ev & Ruhama Goussinsky (2008). In the Name of Love: Romantic Ideology and its Victims. Oup Oxford.
    This book is about love - our ideals of love, our experiences of love, and the fatal consequences of love. A unique collaboration between a leading philosopher in the field of emotions and a social scientist, In The Name of Love presents fascinating insights into romantic love and its future in modern society.
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  3. Roger Burggraeve (1999). Violence and the Vulnerable Face of the Other: The Vision of Emmanuel Levinas on Moral Evil and Our Responsibility. Journal of Social Philosophy 30 (1):29-45.
  4. Claudia Card (2002). The Atrocity Paradigm: A Theory of Evil. Oxford University Press.
    What distinguishes evils from ordinary wrongs? Is hatred a necessarily evil? Are some evils unforgivable? Are there evils we should tolerate? What can make evils hard to recognize? Are evils inevitable? How can we best respond to and live with evils? Claudia Card offers a secular theory of evil that responds to these questions and more. Evils, according to her theory, have two fundamental components. One component is reasonably foreseeable intolerable harm -- harm that makes a life indecent and impossible (...)
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  5. Ben Corson (2001). Transcending Violence in Derrida: A Reply to John McCormick. Political Theory 29 (6):866-875.
  6. Boudewijn de Bruin (2008). Media Violence and Freedom of Speech: How to Use Empirical Data. [REVIEW] Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 11 (5):493-505.
    Susan Hurley has argued against a well known argument for freedom of speech, the argument from autonomy, on the basis of two hypotheses about violence in the media and aggressive behaviour. The first hypothesis says that exposure to media violence causes aggressive behaviour; the second, that humans have an innate tendency to copy behaviour in ways that bypass conscious deliberation. I argue, first, that Hurley is not successful in setting aside the argument from autonomy. Second, I show that the empirical (...)
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  7. David Degrazia (2003). Identity, Killing, and the Boundaries of Our Existence. Philosophy and Public Affairs 31 (4):413–442.
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  8. S. Douailler (2012). States of Violence and Infatuation in Politics: The Idea of Right at the Heart of Their Excesses. Diogenes 57 (4):82-88.
  9. Krzysztof Dunin-Wąsowicz (2006). The Socialist Movement in the Warsaw Uprising. Dialogue and Universalism 16 (7-9):89-110.
    The decision to start the uprising rested chiefly with a few persons from the high command of the Home Army. Political authorities, including Kazimierz Pużak, PPS and the National Unity Council leader, had no influence on the Uprising outbreak and date decisions.Immediately after the uprising outbreak, the socialist movement joined the action, both in the civilian and military area, as did all socialist movement factions. A very important role was played by the well-developed and influential press, coming out in all (...)
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  10. Kimberly Hutchings Elizabeth Frazer (2008). On Politics and Violence: Arendt Contra Fanon. Contemporary Political Theory 7 (1):90.
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  11. David Evans, Reason and Violence: Arguements From Force.
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  12. Michael Feola (2014). Norms, Vision and Violence: Judith Butler on the Politics of Legibility. Contemporary Political Theory 13 (2):130-148.
    Judith Butler’s meditations on precarity have received considerable attention in recent years. This article proposes that an undertheorized strain of her argument offers productive resources for theorizing violence. The question extends beyond material acts, to ask how certain groups are rendered eligible for heightened, regularized violence – and, by extension, how liberal subjects are rendered complicit with policies at odds with their universalist commitments. At stake is a politics of sensibility that complicates and enriches juridico-institutionalist models. That said, when Butler’s (...)
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  13. Christopher J. Finlay (2006). Violence and Revolutionary Subjectivity Marx to Žižek. European Journal of Political Theory 5 (4):373-397.
    The purpose of this article is to explore the relationship between revolution and violence in Marxism and in a series of texts drawing on Marxian theory. Part 1 outlines the basic normative frameworks which determine the outer limits of permissible violence in Marxism. Part 2 presents a critical analysis of a series of later discussions - by Sorel, Fanon and Žižek - which transformed the terms in which violence was discussed by developing one particular aspect of Marxist thought. By teasing (...)
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  14. Paul Formosa (2008). The Problems with Evil. Contemporary Political Theory 7 (4):395-415.
    The concept of evil has been an unpopular one in many recent Western political and ethical discourses. One way to justify this neglect is by pointing to the many problemswiththe concept of evil. The standard grievances brought against the very concept of evil include: that it has no proper place in secular political and ethical discourses; that it is a demonizing term of hatred that leads to violence; that it is necessarily linked with outdated notions of body and sexuality; and (...)
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  15. Barry L. Gan (2013). Violence and Nonviolence: An Introduction. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
    Barry L. Gan's Violence and Nonviolence: An Introduction introduces readers to myths about the violence taken for granted in our daily lives, and advocates for more principled, nonviolent action on moral, ethical and philosophical grounds.
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  16. Nolen Gertz, The Wretched of the Occupation: Sartre, Fanon, and the Experience of Violence.
    Though it is well known that Frantz Fanon was influenced by Jean-Paul Sartre, and that Sartre was a supporter of Fanon, little attention has been paid to the conflict that existed between their respective views on the violence they lived through and wrote about. In "Paris under the Occupation", Sartre tries to explain to the reader what it felt like to live under the rule of an enemy whose omnipresence forced the aggression and hostility of the French back against themselves, (...)
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  17. Lubomir Gleiman (1963). Problem : Violence in a Pluralistic Society. Proceedings and Addresses of the American Philosophical Association 37:88.
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  18. J. Glenn Gray (1971). On Understanding Violence Philosophically and Other Essays. Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 32 (1):126-127.
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  19. A. Phillips Griffiths (1978). HONDERICH, TED "Three Essays on Political Violence". [REVIEW] Philosophy 53:414.
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  20. Sharon E. Hartline (1997). Battered Woman Who Kill: Victims and Agents of Violence. Journal of Social Philosophy 28 (2):56-67.
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  21. Jonathan Herington (2012). The Concept of Security. In Michael Selgelid & Christian Enemark (eds.), Ethical and Security Aspects of Infectious Disease Control: Interdisciplinary Perspectives. Ashgate.
    This chapter provides a philosophical analysis of the different meanings of “security” and, by so doing, identifies some key features of the concept of security. I begin by establishing a number of qualities which this chapter’s conceptual analysis should ideally possess. I then make an important distinction between security as a practice and security as a state of being, and argue that more attention should be paid to the latter if our goal is to interrogate the justifiability of using security (...)
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  22. Ted Honderich (1974). On Inequality and Violence, and the Differences We Make Between Them. Royal Institute of Philosophy Lectures 8:46-82.
    Just about all political philosophy of the recommending kind is factless and presumptuous. That it has an honest intellectual use, which it does, and which of course is different from its use as reassurance and the like, is only to be explained by the want of something better.
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  23. Hans Köchler (1980). Violence and Humanity. Philosophical and Political Manifestations of Modernity. Philosophy and History 13 (2):164-165.
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  24. Julia Kristeva, Pascale Fautrier, Anne Strasser & Pierre-Louis Fort (eds.) (2008). (Re) Découvrir L’Œuvre de Simone de Beauvoir – Du Deuxième Sexe À La Cérémonie des Adieux. Éditions Le Bord de l’Eau.
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  25. Joseph Kupfer (1980). Ultra-Violence. Journal of Social Philosophy 11 (2):15-22.
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  26. Marguerite la Caze (2009). Derrida: Opposing Death Penalties. Derrida Today 2 (2):186-199.
    Derrida's purpose in ‘Death Penalties’ (2004), is to show how both arguments in favour of capital punishment, exemplified by Kant's, and arguments for its abolition, such as those of Beccaria, are deconstructible. He claims that ‘never, to my knowledge, has any philosopher as a philosopher, in his or her own strictly and systematically philosophical discourse, never has any philosophy as such contested the legitimacy of the death penalty.’ (2004, 146) Derrida also asks how it is possible ‘to abolish the death (...)
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  27. Hugh LaFollette (2001). Controlling Guns. Criminal Justice Ethics 20 (1):34-39.
    Wheeler, Stark, and Stell have raised many interesting points concerning gun control that merit extended treatment. Here, however, I will focus only on two. I will then briefly expand on the proposal I offered in the original paper.
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  28. Rd Laing (1966). Violence and Love. Humanitas 2 (2):199-206.
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  29. John S. Lawrence (1970). The Moral Attractiveness of Violence. Journal of Social Philosophy 1 (1):7-9.
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  30. Burkhard Liebsch (2013). What Does (Not) Count as Violence: On the State of Recent Debates About the Inner Connection Between Language and Violence. [REVIEW] Human Studies 36 (1):7-24.
    This paper raises the question whether language and violence are internally connected. It starts from the experience of violence and from its theoretical interpretation as violence in the context of political forms of life which are challenged by complaints about violence. Such forms of life have to confront this issue because they are supposed to be responsive to claims and demands of others who articulate violence as an experience of violation. Whether a kind of responsive ethos may be based on (...)
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  31. Jason Royce Lindsey (2013). Vattimo's Renunciation of Violence. Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 16 (1):99-111.
    For Gianni Vattimo, the renunciation of violence is the starting point for constructing a post foundational politics. So far, criticism of Vattimo’s argument has focused on his larger commitment to metaphysical nihilism and whether the renunciation of violence is a thicker principle than his post foundational philosophy can support. I argue that Vattimo’s renunciation of violence can also be criticized for two other reasons. First, Vattimo attempts to distinguish between acceptable and unacceptable uses of violence through an under developed idea (...)
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  32. Leslie Macfarlane (1977). Violence and the State. Philosophical Review 86 (3):405-407.
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  33. Lorenzo Magnani (2011). Understanding Violence: The Intertwining of Morality, Religion and Violence: A Philosophical Stance. Springer-Verlag.
    This volume sets out to give a philosophical "applied" account of violence, engaged with both empirical and theoretical debates in other disciplines such as cognitive science, sociology, psychiatry, anthropology, political theory, ...
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  34. Bruce Maxwell (2012). The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence has Declined. Journal of Moral Education 42 (1):136-138.
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  35. Catriona McKenzie & Sarah Sorial (2011). The Limits of the Public Sphere: The Advocacy of Violence. Critical Horizons 12 (2):165-188.
    In this paper, we give an account of some of the necessary conditions for an effectively functioning public sphere, and then explore the question of whether these conditions allow for the expression of ideas and values that are fundamentally incompatible with those of liberalism. We argue that speakers who advocate or glorify violence against democratic institutions fall outside the parameters of what constitutes legitimate public debate and may in fact undermine the conditions necessary for the flourishing of free speech and (...)
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  36. Margaret A. McLaren (2003). The Subject of Violence: Arendtean Exercises in Understanding (Review). Hypatia 18 (2):205-208.
  37. Ted H. Miller (2008). The Two Deaths of Lady Macduff: Antimetaphysics, Violence, and William Davenant's Restoration Revision of "Macbeth". Political Theory 36 (6):856 - 882.
    Stephen White and Gianni Vattimo have argued in favor of weak ontological thought. Particularly for White, weak ontology's contestable fundamentals are a superior response to strong ontologies, including the violence linked to them. I make a historically comparative evaluation of their arguments. The evaluation draws on William Davenant's Restoration revision of Shakespeare's "Macbeth". Davenant's play defends Charles II's sovereignty against the strong ontological claims of orthodox Anglicans. Lady Macduff's much expanded role and the death she suffers, in contrast to her (...)
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  38. Donovan Miyasaki (2008). La Violence Politique Comme Mauvaise Foi Dans Le Sang des Autres. In Julia Kristeva, Pascale Fautrier, Anne Strasser & Pierre-Louis Fort (eds.), (Re) découvrir l’œuvre de Simone de Beauvoir – Du Deuxième Sexe à La Cérémonie des adieux. Éditions Le Bord de l’Eau.
    The Blood of Others begins at the bedside of a mortally wounded Résistance fighter named Hélène Bertrand. We encounter her from the point of view of Jean Blomart, her friend and lover, who recounts the story of their relationship : their first meeting, unhappy romance, bitter breakup, and eventual reunion as fellow fighters for the liberation of occupied France. The novel invites the reader to interpret Hélène and Jean’s story as one of positive ethical development. On this progressive reading, although (...)
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  39. David Morrice (1996). On the Justification of Political Violence. Cogito 10 (2):135-142.
  40. Jan Narveson (1980). Violence and War. In Tom L. Beauchamp & Tom Regan (eds.), Matters of Life and Death. Temple University Press.
  41. Eric S. Nelson (2013). The Complicity of the Ethical: Causality, Karma, and Violence in Buddhism and Levinas. In Levinas and Asian Thought. Duquesne University Press. 99-114.
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  42. Andrew Oberg (2013). The Occupied Toolbox. International Journal of Applied Philosophy 27 (1):15-25.
    In the present paper the issue of using violence in protests to garner political gain is considered against the background of the Occupy movement and the varied responses to it. Although some may now feel, and certainly many did while the movement was at its peak, that the Occupy protestors should alter their tactics and embrace violence as an efficacious means to sought ends, it is argued here that such a move would be counterproductive and delegitimizing. Moral and psychological impacts (...)
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  43. Johanna Oksala (2012). Foucault, Politics, and Violence. Northwestern University Press.
    The politicization of ontology -- Foundational violence -- Dangerous animals -- The politics of gendered violence -- Political life -- The management of state violence -- The political ontology of neoliberalism -- Violence and neoliberal governmentality -- Terror and political spirituality.
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  44. Johanna Oksala (2011). Violence and Neoliberal Governmentality. Constellations 18 (3):474-486.
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  45. Johanna Oksala (2008). The Management of State Violence. Graduate Faculty Philosophy Journal 28 (2):53-66.
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  46. Bat-ami Bar On (1981). Violence and Morality. Dissertation, The Ohio State University
    The thesis argued for in this work is that under certain conditions the use of violence is morally obligatory. The thesis is advanced as an alternative to both the pacifist and the liberal, right-oriented theses which are rooted in the idea that violence is evil. The defense consists of an exposition of the problems of the pacifist and liberal theses on the one hand and the development of a system that makes it possible to conceive of the use of violence (...)
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  47. Glen Pettigrove & Nigel Parsons (2012). Shame: A Case Study of Collective Emotion. Social Theory and Practice 38 (3):504-530.
    This paper outlines what we call a network model of collective emotions. Drawing upon this model, we explore the significance of collective emotions in the Palestine-Israel conflict. We highlight some of the ways in which collective shame, in particular, has contributed to the evolution of this conflict. And we consider some of the obstacles that shame and the pride-restoring narratives to which it gave birth pose to the conflict’s resolution.
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  48. Danielle Poe (ed.) (2011). Communities of Peace: Confronting Injustice and Creating Justice. Rodopi.
    This volume examines the many ways in which violence, domination, and oppression manifest themselves.
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  49. Paul Prescott (2014). Unthinkable ≠ Unknowable: On Charlotte Delbo's 'II Faut Donner À Voir'. Journal of Value Inquiry 48 (3):457-468.
    This is my sister here, with some unidentifiable friend and many other people. They are all listening to me and it is this very story [the story of Auschwitz] that I am telling … [I] speak diffusely of our hunger and of the lice-control, and of the Kapo who hit me on the nose and then sent me to wash myself as I was bleeding. It is an intense pleasure, physical, inexpressible, to be at home, among friendly people and to (...)
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  50. John Protevi, Political Physiology in High School: Columbine and After.
    In this paper I investigate the mechanics of killing, brining together neuroscience, military history, and the work of the French philosophers Gilles Deleuze & Félix Guattari. Investigating the Columbine killers and the way they negotiate with the intensity of the act of killing allows me to construct a concept of “political physiology,” defined as “interlocking intensive processes that articulate the patterns, thresholds, and triggers of emergent bodies, forming assemblages linking the social and the somatic, with sometimes the subjective (...)
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