It is known that Kierkegaard’s relation to politics was problematic and marked by a somewhat reactionary stance. The nature of this problematic relation, however, will be shown to lie in the tension between his double skepticism of the order of establishment [det Bestående] on the one hand, and the political associations of his age on the other. In this tension he is immersed, trembling between Scylla and Charybdis. On the one hand Kierkegaard is hesitant to support the progressive political movements (...) of the time due to his skepticism about the principle of association in the socio-psychological climate of leveling and envy. On the other hand, his dubious support of the order of the establishment, in particular the Church and Bishop Mynster, becomes increasingly problematic. The importance of 1848 is crucial in this regard since this year marks the decisive turn in Kierkegaard’s authorship. Using the letters to Kolderup-Rosenvinge in the wake of the cataclysmic events of 1848 as my point of departure, I wish to elucidate the pathway towards what Kierkegaard himself understands as his Socratic mission. (shrink)

Occupying a seemingly minor role in the authorship of Kierkegaard, the concept of “the sublime” has not received much attention in the reception, compared to that of other more prominent concepts. This could essentially imply one of two things: either that the sublime is not an important theme for Kierkegaard, or that it is so pervasively present, that the reader does not know how to conceive it, let alone get a hold of a tangible definition of it. Proceeding from the (...) latter assumption, this article expounds in what sense the sublime occupies a pivotal role in Kierkegaard’s philosophy mediating between the aesthetic and the religious sphere. Using the Kantian conceptual framework of the sublime as my continual point of reference, I wish to show how Kierkegaard both remains loyal to certain aspects of this heritage, and at the same time transports the sublime to an entirely new plateau. Setting the stage for a modern discourse of the sublime will enable us to see in what sense the sublime enters a central position in Kierkegaard’s philosophy, being the feeling that awakens the individual from his social immurement and propels him into his path of self-realization. (shrink)

This article explores the pervasive interpretations of Søren Kierkegaard’s social and political thought, examining how they have prevented a substantive conversation between him and his contemporary, Karl Marx. Describing how they lack political nuance, this article then explores Kierkegaard’s early work, in order to demonstrate that Kierkegaard understands economic life in similar terms to Marx. Moreover, not only does Kierkegaard view economic life as the antithesis of the type of authentic life he aims to cultivate, but, in line with Marx, (...) his vision of authenticity is also similar to Marx’s vision. Finally, this article ends by demonstrating how both Marx and Kierkegaard are working through this criticism in explicitly Hegelian terms, and that their correlative notions of authenticity are likewise indebted to Hegel. In this way, this article begins the long-overdue conversation between Kierkegaard’s and Marx’s respective receptions of Hegel, while demonstrating how social and political thinkers can more fully integrate Kierkegaard’s ethical and spiritual insight into mainstream political thought. (shrink)

The right to revolt is a central concept in political philosophy, denoting when it is justified to replace a corrupt government with a new one. As such, it is a normative concept that would-be revolutionaries should consult in order to determine the justness of a possible revolution. However, this article argues that within Kierkegaard’s thought lies a wholly new conception of revolution that does not look to describe when it might be just to revolt but that instead sees revolution as (...) an act we are sometimes obligated to enact. Consequently, revolt transforms from a right to a responsibility, with important ethical and political consequences. (shrink)