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  1. Making disability public in deliberative democracy.Stacy Clifford - 2012 - Contemporary Political Theory 11 (2):211-228.
    Deliberative democracy harbors a recurrent tension between full inclusion and intelligible speech. People with profound cognitive disabilities often signify this tension. While liberal deliberative theorists sacrifice inclusion for intelligibility, this exclusion is unnecessary. Instead, by analyzing deliberative locations that already include people with disabilities, I offer two ways to revise deliberative norms. First, the physical presence of disabled bodies expands the value of publicity in deliberative democracy, demonstrating that the publicity of bodies provokes new conversations similar to rational speech acts. (...)
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  • Self and other in global bioethics: critical hermeneutics and the example of different death concepts. [REVIEW]Kristin Zeiler - 2009 - Medicine, Health Care and Philosophy 12 (2):137-145.
    Our approach to global bioethics will depend, among other things, on how we answer the questions whether global bioethics is possible and whether it, if it is possible, is desirable. Our approach to global bioethics will also vary depending on whether we believe that the required bioethical deliberation should take as its principal point of departure that which we have in common or that which we have in common and that on which we differ. The aim of this article is (...)
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  • When Is a Country Multinational? Problems with Statistical and Subjective Approaches.Nenad Stojanovic - 2011 - Ratio Juris 24 (3):267-283.
    Many authors have argued that we should make a clear conceptual distinction between mononational and multinational states. Yet the number of empirical examples they refer to is rather limited. France or Germany are usually seen as mononational, whereas Belgium, Canada, Spain and the UK are considered multinational. How should we classify other cases? Here we can distinguish between (at least) two approaches in the literature: statistical (i.e., whether significant national minorities live within a larger state and, especially, whether they claim (...)
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  • Collective agents and group moral rights.Anna Moltchanova - 2008 - Journal of Political Philosophy 17 (1):23-46.
  • Cultural Minority Rights and the Rights of the Majority in the Liberal State.Jean-Christophe Merle - 1998 - Ratio Juris 11 (3):259-271.
    Traditional liberalism's blindness to cultural concerns has often come under fire, while so‐called “liberal multiculturalism” has made it its business to take a good look at the place of culture within liberal law. According to them, cultural minorities should be recognized. In my opinion, however, their proposals, in fact, almost entirely preclude the possibility that cultural minorities would receive recognition within liberal society. In what follows, I explain my view of these matters and, above all, argue for a more vital (...)
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  • The aporia of practical reason: Reflections on what it means to pay due respect to others.Glenn Mackin - 2011 - Contemporary Political Theory 10 (1):58-77.
    This article investigates the forms of respect and responsiveness that must be present in the process of practical reason. Drawing upon Jürgen Habermas’ discourse theory and his incidental remarks about aesthetics, I identify two modes of respect. The first is the mutual respect and equality that emerges in the process of coming to agreement on proposed norms; the second is the call to infinite responsibility that emerges in opening to the transcendent character of others. However, Habermas makes an error in (...)
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  • Reading the Stranger of Asylum Law: Legacies of Communication and Ethics. [REVIEW]Toni A. M. Johnson - 2013 - Feminist Legal Studies 21 (2):119-139.
  • Liberal multiculturalism: An oxymoron?(Will Kymlicka).Ranjoo Seodu Herr - 2007 - Philosophical Forum 38 (1):23–41.
    Will Kymlicka argues that societal culture matters to liberalism because it contributes to its members’ freedom. If so, multiculturalism that advocates group rights to sustain minority societal cultures in the liberal West is in fact entailed by liberalism, the core value of which is individual freedom. “Freedom,” then, functions as the main bridge between liberalism and multiculturalism in Kymlicka’s position. Kymlicka is correct that societal culture contributes to its members’ freedom by providing them with meaningful options. The sense of freedom (...)
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  • Multicultural accommodation and the ideal of non-domination.Mira Bachvarova - 2013 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy (6):1-22.
  • Multicultural accommodation and the ideal of non-domination.Mira Bachvarova - 2014 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (6):652-673.