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Local or localized? Exploring the contributions of Franco-Mediterranean agrifood theory to alternative food research

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Abstract

Notions such as terroir and “Slow Food,” which originated in Mediterranean Europe, have emerged as buzzwords around the globe, becoming commonplace across Europe and economically important in the United States and Canada, Latin America, Africa, and Asia. Given the increased global prominence of terroir and regulatory frameworks like geographical indications, we argue that the associated conceptual tools have become more relevant to scholars working within the “alternative food networks” (AFN) framework in the United States and United Kingdom. Specifically, the Local Agrifood Systems (Systèmes Agroalimentaires Localisés, or SYAL) perspective, first articulated in 1996 by French scholars, seeks to understand the relationship between the development of local food systems and specific territories. We review the empirical and theoretical literature that comprises each of these perspectives, highlighting three areas in which SYAL scholarship may be relevant to AFN researchers. First, while AFN scholars tend to understand the “local” in terms of positionality, in a distributionist sense (vis-à-vis one’s relation to sites of food production or consumption or along commodity chains), SYAL studies frame local food systems as anchored within particular territories. Second, SYAL research places significant emphasis on collectivity, both in terms of collective institutions and shared forms of knowledge and identity. Third, although both perspectives are framed in opposition of the industrialization of the global food system, AFN scholars focus more on alternative distribution schemes (e.g., organic, fair trade, and direct marketing schemes), while SYAL researchers favor territorially anchored structures (e.g., geographical indications).

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Notes

  1. For example, there are now 209 registered “American Viticultural Areas” for wines in the United States, not only in California, but also in places like Colorado, Illinois, and North Carolina (Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau 2013).

  2. In this article, we use the term “GIs” to describe all of these protective institutions.

  3. Brazil and Peru passed legislation on GIs in 1996, followed by South Korea and India in 1999, Columbia in 2000, and Chile in 2005, to name just a few.

  4. Many theoretical and empirical approaches have been advanced with respect to the social construction of places, regions, and territories—terms that we here use interchangeably in the context of food production and consumption. Since the 1980s, a general consensus has developed that understands place as a constitutive feature of human practice and habitation, and yet also a quality that is performatively remade through situated practice (Pred 1984; Merleau-Ponty 1962; Casey 1998; Secor 2004).

  5. According to an article in the New York Times, the term “locavore” was coined by “concerned culinary adventurer” Jessica Prentice in 2005 (Burros 2007; Locavores 2011).

  6. The traditional wooden vats were championed by small-scale “traditionalists” who argued in favor of the fermentation-enhancing properties of wood, while higher-volume producers (who were constrained by the size of the wooden vats) and French health officials (who preferred the hygienic properties of steel) preferred the stainless steel vats.

  7. These specifications are approved and regulated by state institutions but collectively defined—often through a rather contentious process—by the producers themselves.

  8. Like SYAL research, many AFN studies address questions regarding the definition and regulation of quality, focusing in particular on debates over quality in organic and Fair Trade agrifood networks (Guthman 2004; Jaffee 2007; Lyon 2006, 2011; Mutersbaugh 2005; Raynolds 2000; Raynolds et al. 2004; Renard 2005) and on the link between the proliferation of private standards and third party certification schemes and neoliberalism (Busch and Bain 2004; Hatanaka et al. 2005; Guthman 2007; Neilson 2008; Raynolds et al. 2007). A few AFN scholars have also focused on the influence of cultural norms and social structures on transnational commodity networks, and on the alternative movements that have emerged alongside and/or in opposition to them (Freidberg 2004; Schurman and Munro 2009).

  9. There are, of course, exceptions to these tendencies. Some of the AFN scholars from the UK, for example, have analyzed GIs (e.g., Ilbery and Kneafsey 2000; Ilbery et al. 2005; Parrott et al. 2002), and some SYAL scholars have analyzed farmers’ markets and other direct marketing schemes (e.g., Chiffoleau 2009, who uses an AFN perspective to frame her study). However, we argue that these are general patterns do characterize the literature.

  10. Fonte (2008) makes an agrarian-historical argument that these regions were relative latecomers to industrial development and thus never fully completed their “great transition,” thus allowing the persistence of unique social and environmental characteristics that endowed these products with distinctive quality attributes, helped foster successful peasant political opposition, and stymied the expansion of large-scale capitalist agriculture (Goodman and Watts 1997; Ilbery and Kneafsey 2000; Murdoch et al. 2000). These factors left this region with a relatively robust, yet economically marginalized smallholder class that is now attempting to use these persistent qualifications to improve farm economies via strategies of territorial development (Sanz Cañada 2008). Some scholars also argue that SYAL-type GI development and regional product valorization promotes an ambiguous “re-peasantization” in agricultural communities (Knickel and Renting 2000; van der Ploeg and Roep 2003; also see Gilarek et al. 2003; Granberg et al. 2001; Tovey 2001).

  11. Multifunctional farming “not only produces food but also sustains rural landscapes, protects biodiversity, generates employment, and contributes to the viability of rural areas” (Erjavec et al. 2009, p. 45; also see Potter and Burney 2002).

Abbreviations

AFN:

Alternative food network

CIRAD:

Center for Agricultural Research for Development

CSA:

Community supported agriculture

GI:

Geographical indications

SYAL:

Systèmes Agroalimentaires Localisés (Local Agrifood System)

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Acknowledgments

We would like to thank Lawrence Bérard, Jim Bingen, François Boucher, José Muchnik, Marie Christine Renard, Javier Sanz Cañada, Denis Sautier, Gerardo Torres, and all of our other colleagues in the Local Agrifood Systems (SYAL) network, as well as the editor and three anonymous reviewers, for their helpful comments and feedback. Responsibility for any errors is our own.

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  1. Department of Sociology and Anthropology, North Carolina State University, Campus Box 8107, Raleigh, NC, 27695, USA

    Sarah Bowen

  2. Department of Geography, University of Kentucky, 871 Patterson Office Tower, Lexington, KY, 40506, USA

    Tad Mutersbaugh

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  1. Sarah Bowen
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Correspondence to Sarah Bowen.

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Bowen, S., Mutersbaugh, T. Local or localized? Exploring the contributions of Franco-Mediterranean agrifood theory to alternative food research. Agric Hum Values 31, 201–213 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10460-013-9461-7

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